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Case Study Meaning in Hindi

Looking for the meaning of case study in Hindi? Our Pasttenses English Hindi translation dictionary contains a list of total 1 Hindi words that can be used for case study in Hindi .

• व्यक्ति अध्ययन (vyakti adhyayan)

Other alternate words that can be used instead of case study are, dossier .

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• cash register
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Case मीनिंग : Meaning of Case in Hindi - Definition and Translation

• हिन्दी से अंग्रेजी
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CASE MEANING IN HINDI - EXACT MATCHES

Definition of Case

• a comprehensive term for any proceeding in a court of law whereby an individual seeks a legal remedy; "the family brought suit against the landlord"
• an occurrence of something; "it was a case of bad judgment"; "another instance occurred yesterday"; "but there is always the famous example of the Smiths"
• a special set of circumstances; "in that event, the first possibility is excluded"; "it may rain in which case the picnic will be canceled"

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Case meaning in Hindi : Get meaning and translation of Case in Hindi language with grammar,antonyms,synonyms and sentence usages by ShabdKhoj. Know answer of question : what is meaning of Case in Hindi? Case ka matalab hindi me kya hai (Case का हिंदी में मतलब ). Case meaning in Hindi (हिन्दी मे मीनिंग ) is कारक.English definition of Case : a comprehensive term for any proceeding in a court of law whereby an individual seeks a legal remedy; the family brought suit against the landlord

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Meaning summary.

Synonym/Similar Words : affairs , occurrence , instance

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• Published: 01 September 2024

Utilisation of rondavel space by amaXhosa people: a case of Mbhashe local municipality, Eastern Cape Province, South Africa

• Africa Ndude 1 &
• Sinenhlanhla Memela 1  

Humanities and Social Sciences Communications volume  11 , Article number:  1122 ( 2024 ) Cite this article

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• Anthropology

Traditional rondavel building patterns, designs and materials have changed due to urbanisation, economic status, globalisation, and modernisation. There is limited understanding of how the architectural change has impacted the utilisation of rondavel space. This study uses the concept of habitus to understand whether the changing design of traditional rondavels has influenced their utilisation, based on a case study of the Mbhashe Local Municipality in the Eastern Cape province, South Africa. The data was collected using semi-structured interviews. The findings reveal the habitus of the AmaXhosa people on how they utilise traditional rondavels (family house) for childbirth, placing a deceased’s coffin, sleeping, seating, food preparation, serving and storage, keeping the spear, hosting ceremonies, communicating with ancestors, and interacting with the living. While the influence of contemporary architecture has changed the construction of rondavels, the inhabitants have not resisted changes to the architecture or cultural values as they have found different ways to adapt. Certain old dispositions are adaptable to contemporary structures, but some people are uninterested in adapting elements to the contemporary rondavel. Some habits of utilising traditional rondavels cannot be adapted to the contemporary rondavel because of health and medical innovations.

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Introduction.

Based on archaeological evidence, rondavels have existed since pre-colonial times as a prime settlement form in homesteads in much of South Africa and other African countries, including Botswana, Kenya, Lesotho and Eswatini (Schoenauer 2000 ; Steyn 2006 ). The rondavel is considered as a vernacular architecture: it is built using locally sourced material and forms part of a region’s culture and heritage (OpenHeritage 2016 ). Steyn ( 2006 :1) describes the rondavel as a “drum”, often built with mud and grass-thatched roofs (Fig. 1A ). They are popular indigenous settlements which are still prevalent in the rural areas. While most households have more than one rondavels (Fig. 1B ), some indigenous settlements are now roofed with zinc materials (Fig. 1B ). Going forward, this article refers to indigenous settlements as traditional rondavels.

A traditional rondavel with grass-thatched roof and ( B ) household two rondavels with zinc roof.

Traditional rondavels were used for dwelling and hosting important customary rituals and celebrations in Africa (Steyn 2006 ). Modern day rondavels exist with flat-roofed rectangular buildings or structures built using cement and zinc roofs, which will be referred to as contemporary rondavel design henceforth (Van Vuuren 2017 ).

Steyn ( 2006 ) argues that the change is a result of urbanisation and economic status because people admire urban architecture and can afford their desired building materials. A study by Aikpehae et al. ( 2016 ) reveals that globalisation, urbanisation and modernisation transformed building patterns, designs and materials used for construction. They illustrate how Nigerian building patterns and housing have transformed because of the influence of colonisation (Aikpehae et al. 2016 ). Guerrieri ( 2020 ) adds that migration has allowed the export of architecture and urban planning models from one country to another; hence, we see the same style across countries. The global intercultural contact led to the change in dwellings in southern Africa (Frescura 1981 , 2015 ) where traditional dwellings were constructed using mud, wattle and thatch grass. Missionaries introduced contemporary building constructed using sun brick and mortar with corrugated iron sheet for roofing as well as highveld and parapet housing styles, the contemporary building is illustrated in Fig. 2 .

Illustration of the contemporary building under construction.

Tapiero et al. ( 2024 ) indicates that in Montesinho Natural Park, north-east of Portugal, residents had vernacular buildings constructed using locally available wood, slate stone tiles, lime mortar, schist and granite. The availability of industrialised material and decreasing traditional labour posed a threat vernacular buildings.

The following section discusses the evolution of the traditional and modern rondavel followed by the utilisation of rondavels by amaXhosa people, detailing the study area, research methods, results, discussion and conclusion.

Traditional and modern rondavel evolution

Early African dwellings were caves, stone-walled iron shelters or houses quickly erected and dismantled as nomadic societies followed herds of animals (Frescura, 1981 ; Moremoholo, 2021 ). Frescura ( 1981 ) explains the historical development of dwelling types, presented in Fig. 3 . The earliest traditional dwelling was a beehive hut also known as ngqu-phantsi . It was made up of stakes organised in a circle with their tops arched inward to a point. The stakes were then bound together by hoops and the frame was insulated with thatched grass (Walton, 1949 ). It is possible that the need for more living space resulted in the rondavel, which is a cone-on-cylinder rondavel with a wall and roof. Although its doorway was raised higher compared to the beehive hut, it was still lower than the height of a man. The material used to construct traditional rondavel was either a thatch roof with stones and mud bricks or sticks mixed clay and dung mortar or mud and wattle (Walton 1949 ; Frescura 1981 ; Oliver 2006 ; Moremoholo 2021 ; Onyejegbu et al. 2023 ). These vernacular dwellings were constructed using locally available materials (Tapiero et al. 2024 ).

This figure is covered by Creative Commons licence.

The third iteration of dwelling development was influenced by Western ideas of hipped-on-cone, which had a linear floor plan, rooms divided into rows and triangulation of the thatch roof. The fourth dwelling type was an introduction of the highveld style with iron-sheet roofing and sun brick (Frescura 1981 ).

Western ideas influenced the cone-on-cylinder rondavel design and materials used which included the use of iron-sheet roofing and sun brick. Despite the Western influences, the traditional rondavel still exists while others have modernised (Moremoholo 2021 ; Onyejegbu et al. 2023 ). Vellinga ( 2006 ) notes that the traditional vernacular architecture has not vanished, but has rather merged with modern styles to suit the current circumstances. Tapiero et al. ( 2024 ) argue that the use of modern materials in construction does not compromise the values of the dwelling in the community. They also note that conserving vernacular architecture plays an essential role in the preservation of culture and sustainable practises by optimising energy usage (Tapiero et al. 2024 ). Onyejegbu et al. ( 2023 ) argue that some Nigerian households still have traditional mud huts that were built by their forefathers in commemoration of their culture, tradition and prowess.

Moremoholo ( 2021 ) used a case study of the Sotho community in Makgabeng, a rural area in Limpopo to investigate how indigenous values have been incorporated or retained on houses built using brick and mortar. The findings show that both traditional rondavel and modern dwellings exist and residents were able to adapt values of indigenous rondavel to modern dwellings, including practising ancestral ceremonies.

Smith ( 2022 ) suggests that the modernisation of the traditional rondavel design into contemporary sensibilities reflects the development of awareness of the diverse heritage that connects South Africa to the rest of the African continent and its people. Thus, the integration and adaptation of indigenous values into modernisation promotes self-definition for many South Africans. Moreover, it encourages a deeper appreciation of the connections between South Africa and the rest of the world. Bianco ( 2022 ) states that this hybrid form of building reflects the evolution of local culture and ways of life so that one can imagine new development aspects entrenched in the culture and environment (Bianco 2022 ). Thus, currently, vernacular architecture can be understood as the foundation of the contemporary architectural type that is rooted in integrating local building traditions (Naude 2010 ; Bianco 2022 ). The current study focuses on the amaXhosa people and intends to understand whether the changing design of traditional rondavels has influenced their utilisation.

The utilisation of rondavels by amaXhosa people

The amaXhosa people are predominantly located in the Eastern Cape province (Nyamende 1994 ; Mokhoathi 2021 ). A rondavel in a Xhosa home ( umzi ) typically exists in a cluster of other structures. Umzi , plural imizi , is a collection of physical, social and organic elements constituting a settlement component known as homestead. It typically comprises several rondavels or huts (the family house, with middle huts reserved for children and visitors as well as a traditional dispensary and consultation), an adjacent garden and a kraal with tools and equipment often used in various ways (Perry 2013 ).

The family house ( indlu enkulu ) is the main hut where everyone meets to socialise and prepare, store and eat food (McAllister 2004 ). It is a space where all rituals take place and people communicate with their ancestors (McAllister 2004 ; Mlisa 2009 ). In the past, following the birth of a child in the family house, children and men were prohibited from using the space (Kobo 2016 ). McAllister ( 2004 ) illustrates how the family house is divided, as shown in Fig. 4 .

This figure was reproduced with permission: Ethnology, Department of Anthropology at the University of Pittsburgh.

The upper part, called entla , is associated with ancestors; an appointed person will commune with the ancestors, and it serves a storage space for meat and beer if there is a ritual planned (McAllister 2004 ; Reeve 2011 ). The right side is the sitting area for men while the left is reserved women. Older people sit next to the door on either side, while the youngest generation often sits next to the upper part of the rondavel (McAllister 2004 ). At the centre is a hearth ( eziko ), where they make fire for cooking (McAllister, 2004 ; Brocious 2021 ). Kobo ( 2016 ) identifies the hearth as a pedagogical space for the girl child to learn food preparation. The way the amaXhosa people utilise the traditional family house can be purported as a gendered space.

A gendered space is “…more attractive for women than for men; men and women use the same space in different ways: some spaces give feelings of comfort and belonging to men, while women feel excluded; in some spaces, women have authority, while other spaces are under male authority” (Fortuijn et al. 2004 : 215). This is a gendered space because of how a spatial order of seating and gender roles in the utilisation of the space is enforced (McAllister 2004 ; Kobo 2016 ).

It should be noted that the number of rondavels in a homestead depends on the family’s needs. In addition to the family house, a rondavel may be reserved as a bedroom for younger family members and to accommodate visitors (Mlisa 2009 ). Moreover, a rondavel may be used by traditional healers for consultations and storing dispensary (umrawule) items. Certain people are often excluded from using such a space. Menstruating women are prohibited from accessing this space while on their cycle because of a belief that they will defile the herbs (Mlisa, 2009 ). The dispensary is only built once a rondavel has been revealed to a potential traditional healer in a dream, and a ritual is performed to officially open the rondavel and the dispensary prior to consultations being held (Mlisa, 2009 ).

Literature is ambiguous as to whether the recorded rondavel uses are performed in traditional or contemporary rondavels and whether the uses are adaptable to current rondavel designs (McAllister 2004 ; Mlisa 2009 ; Perry 2013 ; Kobo 2016 ; Brocious 2021 ). The available literature focuses on understanding traditional rondavel architecture, its utilisation, history and the changes in the design and structure (Schoenauer 2000 ; Steyn 2006 ). Vellinga ( 2006 ) also notes that publications on vernacular architecture are rarely featured and those that are available focus on drawings, forms and material. The impact of changing building designs and structures in traditional space utilisation is inadequately understood. It is against this backdrop that this study uses the concept of habitus to understand whether the changing design and structure of rondavels has influenced the traditional utilisation of rondavel spaces, based on a case study of the Mbhashe Local Municipality in the Eastern Cape province of South Africa.

Pierre Bourdieu, a French sociologist who was concerned with what motivates social action and behaviour (Navarro 2006 ), developed the concept of habitus, which refers to the norms, values, habits, dispositions and behaviour of a particular group. Each society has its own habitus. Habitus can then guide how a particular group feels, thinks, acts and uses the space (Bourdieu et al. 2000 ; Navarro 2006 ). Habitus can be a product of past experiences and practices learned from parents, family experiences, and society (Hong and Zhao 2015 ). It is created and reproduced by the structures and practices of society (Bourdieu et al. 2000 ; Navarro 2006 ). People with similar backgrounds (social class, religion, nationality, ethnicity, education and profession) usually share habitus which shapes how individuals perceive or receive the world. It is not fixed; it changes due to circumstances (Bourdieu et al. 2000 ; Navarro 2006 ). However, when change occurs, some within the group may resist the change while others adapt to a new style of doing things. Often, others combine the traits of new and old habitus. Therefore, the theory seeks to provide an in-depth understanding of how people adapt in a changing world and circumstances resulting to change.

Bourdieu used this concept to study how the Algerian habitus changed during the liberation struggle in the 1950s (Bourdieu et al. 2000 ; Navarro 2006 ). He analysed their norms, values, habits, dispositions and behaviour before and after colonisation. He defined Algerian peasantry as a traditional society which believed in:

the importance of group solidarity;

kinship based on patriarchal and patrilineal relationships;

patriarchal division of labour;

marriage as the primary concern of the family; and

an economy governed by pre-capitalist methods such as

subsistence farming,

products not sold but shared by the community

goods exchanged for social capital (i.e. a neighbour will lend you an ox in exchange for fresh produce).

The economy was governed by strict reciprocity and non-payment. The blacksmith was expected to provide each peasantry with all repairs in exchange for goods and services (Bourdieu et al. 2000 ; Navarro 2006 ). Their habitus was passed from generation to generation. As determined by Bourdieu, habitus changes over time due to circumstances. The change in the Algerian habitus was a result of French colonial imposition which introduced a capitalist economy leading to a decline in agricultural activities and the establishment of factories in urban areas (Bourdieu et al. 2000 ; Navarro 2006 ). Due to this increased urbanisation, people started working for wages, which resulted in the development of social classes (Bourdieu et al. 2000 ; Navarro 2006 ). Subsequently, women were granted access to receiving an education and earning a living. Likewise, society was introduced to the concept of bachelorhood, with marriage being an individual choice. Communal living with neighbours sharing their fresh produce evolved into neighbours selling their produce for cash (Bourdieu et al. 2000 ; Navarro 2006 ). Ultimately, the culture of group solidarity was destroyed, and the focus was on individualism.

Bourdieu argues that change can be adopted or resisted, as evidenced in Algeria (Bourdieu et al. 2000 ; Navarro 2006 ). Certain Algerian norms, values, habits, dispositions and behaviours were influenced by innate traditions of peasantry and colonial imposition (Bourdieu et al. 2000 ; Navarro 2006 ). Most older people resisted the change and continued to be trapped in the old way of life.

This study focuses on the traditional family house rondavel with the users’ social activities derived from the norms, values, habits, dispositions and behaviours of amaXhosa. Premised on the concept of habitus used by Bourdieu et al. ( 2000 ) and Navarro ( 2006 ) in the analysis of Algerian peasantry, this study unpacks the utilisation of the traditional family house rondavel before the introduction of contemporary architecture and design changes. Before the introduction of the contemporary architecture, the traditional family house rondavel was spatially divided based on gender and used for childbirth, communicating with ancestors and hosting rituals, serving and storing food and igniting a fire for warmth (McAllister 2004 ; Kobo 2016 ; Brocious 2021 ). This paper intends to understand whether the changing design and structure of rondavels has influenced its utilisation, using the case of Mbhashe Local Municipality.

Mbhashe local municipality

The Mbhashe Local Municipality extends over a geographic area of over 3200 km² and is situated within the Amathole District Municipality in the Eastern Cape Province, South Africa (Mbhashe Local Municipality IDP, 2016 ; 2023 a). The municipality is named after the Mbhashe River, which tracks between the municipality’s major urban regions of Willowvale (Gatyane), Xhorha and Dutywa, the latter being the administrative centre or municipal headquarters. The municipality has a total population of approximately 240 020 people (Municipalities of South Africa 2023 ), 94% of whom speak the isiXhosa language (Mbhashe Local Municipality IDP, 2016 ; 2023 b). It is a rural region facing various challenges, including poor road infrastructure, high unemployment and inadequate access to essential services such as water and electricity (Mbhashe Local Municipality IDP, 2016 ; 2023 a). It finds significant economic leverage from tourism nodes through coastal, inland and historic or heritage site attractions.

Rondavel structures are prominent in every homestead. Over 66% of households in the municipality are traditional dwellings Footnote 1 , followed by 21 and 5% of households living in brick or concrete block structures and flat blocks, respectively (Mbhashe Local Municipality IDP, 2021 ). However, some households have a modernised rondavel and, more commonly, an octagonal-shape veranda structure, sometimes with an attached garage. Others tend not to have a rondavel at all albeit infrequently. In rural areas, the process of domestic building is not influenced by planning schemes and policies (Oliver 2006 ). Instead, rural architecture is enriched by the surrounding natural environment, local economy and livelihood of villagers (Pirzad and Moghaddam 2023 ). This offers villagers free will to build the type and design of house they desire.

Figure 5 represents the spatial location and geographical extent of Mbhashe Local Municipality in the Amathole District Municipality, with reference to the Eastern Cape Province and South Africa, respectively. The points of interest indicated in the map are examples of homesteads and places across the municipality where:

contemporary rondavels at the Village Lodge in the Dutywa urban region,

rondavel clusters in the homestead of Nqadu great place (Komkhulu ) in rural Willowvale,

Emanzothweni , a multitype dwelling homestead in Bende location, rural Dutywa (Photo: Lilitha Breakfast), and

Kwa-Nonyameko, a multitype dwelling homestead in the Mbhangcolo administration area in rural Willowvale (Photo: Luyanda Ndude).

A map representing a study area—Mbhashe Local Municipality.

Methodology

Ethical clearance was received from Rhodes University. Purposive sampling was used to select a sample population, which included participants of amaXhosa descent with a rondavel structure in their homesteads and residing within the Mbhashe Local Municipality. Ten participants, aged 24–48 years old, were interviewed; they are referred to as Participants 1 to 10 (P01–P10).

Data was collected using participatory mapping and semi-structured interviews consisting of open-ended questions. The interview schedule was developed with a purpose of obtaining an in-depth understanding of the utilisation of rondavels and changes that occurred over time because of the new architectural style. The interviews were conducted face-to-face at the participants’ residences. The participants were also given a rondavel diagram to illustrate the spatial ordering of how the rondavel family house was utilised in the Mbhashe Local Municipality. The results are presented in Fig. 6 .

Spatial ordering of how the amaXhosa family house rondavel was utilized in the Mbhashe Municipality.

The information from the participants' drawings were then used to create Fig. 6 diagram, which was constructed using ArcMap 10.7.1 software for visualisation of the activities undertaken in the family house. The circle represents a typical rondavel floorplan with a diameter of 6 m (3 m radius). The diameter of the rondavel intersects the doorway and therefore dictates the gendered sides. The points in the diagram do not represent actual geometric values, instead they are ordinal representations of circular living in the AmaXhosa family house. Data was analysed and presented using thematic analysis. The concept of habitus guided the development of the themes presented. The first theme related to the amaXhosa habitus and the utilisation of traditional rondavels in the Mbhashe Local Municipality and the second was the amaXhosa habitus and the changing rondavel design in the Mbhashe Local Municipality

In both themes, specialised quotations to highlight some pertinent statements and demonstrate how the participants make sense of the rondavels and their utilisation, using their exact words.

amaXhosa habitus and the utilisation of traditional rondavel in the Mbhashe municipality

The section of findings only focus on the traditional family house rondavel before the introduction of the contemporary architecture. Adapted from McAllister ( 2004 ), the participants were given a circle to explain the use of each space and its purpose. They also revealed some uses that were not presented in earlier sections. First, the spatial division of the family house based on gender was discussed, followed by how the Mbhashe people utilised the family house. Figure 6 illustrates the spatial division between men (right) and women (left) inside the family house. Women married into the family ( makoti ) are forbidden to access the men’s side. The mud bench, known as soze , is built on the men’s side by the door for seating.

Women sit on the floor on handcrafted mats woven from reeds or grass known as ikhukho . Behind the door on the women’s side is a place for childbirth. The participants also alluded to the statement made by Kobo ( 2016 ) that during the birthing process, children and men are prohibited from using the space. They revealed that there was no cultural significance in giving birth at home. Instead, the inaccessibility of health facilities necessitated home births. Booysen ( 2003 ) argues that, in South African rural areas, women give birth at home because health facilities are located remotely to the homesteads and they do not have the means to access them.

Regarding funeral rites, the deceased’s coffin will arrive at the homestead the day before the funeral and a night vigil – a ceremony to honour the deceased—will be held in the family house. The coffin is usually placed on the women’s side and senior women will gather to sleep next to the coffin until the funeral. An elderly family member will burn impepho (incense) and request the ancestors to welcome the deceased. It is believed that if this ritual is not performed, the deceased will not rest in peace.

In households that use the family house for sleeping, designated spaces will be allocated for men and women. A handcrafted mat is used as a base for the foam mattress on both sides. The seating arrangement in the family house is based on seniority, with younger members of the household placed toward the upper layer, as noted by McAllister ( 2004 ). The participants further explained that seniority was not based on age: married women were regarded as senior and women who were not related by blood or matrimony would occupy the upper end of the women’s side. Men’s seating arrangements depend on when one was initiated, with the youngest (the last to go to the bush) towards the upper layer.

McAllister ( 2004 ) and Reeve ( 2011 ) reveal that an appointed person will commune with the ancestors, and store meat and beer in the upper part of the rondavel if there is a ritual. Their findings concur with how the Mbhashe people utilise the space, further indicating that the upper layer is divided into A and B, as shown in Fig. 6 . On the right (men’s side) is where slaughtered meat and beer is stored. It is the responsibility of the men to serve both the meat and beer; hence, it is located on their side. Section B in Fig. 6 is a space in the uppermost end of the rondavel on the women’s side. It contains domestic essentials such as a table and cupboard, crockery, and cutlery and ilitye lokuguba , which is a flat rock which is used to grind food.

In the centre of the family house is a hearth. Kobo ( 2016 ) argues that this is where women are taught to prepare food. The findings of this study also reveal that men also use the space to roast corn. So, there are no gender-based restrictions on the use of this space. The centre also has a pole called intsika , which supports the roof structure. The door is positioned in the lower part of the family house. Section C, illustrated in Fig. 6 , is where the spear ( umkhonto) is kept by sticking it on the roof above the doorway on the men’s side. The spear is used for the slaughter of traditional animals if there is a ritual or ceremony. The spear is believed to obstruct lightning during a storm and is placed in the doorway.

The participants also utilised the rondavel for interacting with each other and the ancestors. Interaction takes place through song and dance during ceremonies. People also interact through spoken word to communicate with or appease ancestors, to socialize with each other by telling stories of love, horror, fiction, and the past, and to play games. The study’s participants expressed clearly how the family house is used which they learned from growing up in rural areas and passed from generation to generation. They have the duty to continue passing this information to the younger members of the family.

amaXhosa habitus and the changing rondavel design in the Mbhashe local municipality

People in the rural areas of the Mbhashe Local Municipality were inclined to architectural change and desire contemporary architecture and luxury, including those who did not currently own it. The contemporary rondavel design was considered progressive, cognisant of the times and, for that matter, the contemporary way of life to which there was a strong inclination to conform: “I too [wish to have a modern house] because these are the houses that are built nowadays, and they make the home beautiful” (P 01).

Notwithstanding, there was a strong consensus to preserve conventional ways of using space and adapt to the contemporary design, including the structure and shape (multi-room), the material used (no longer a thatched roof or mud walls), or hard surfaces (tiles/concrete). The respondents preferred contemporary structures because of their aesthetic and convenience: “…contemporary houses have better aesthetical value, spacious and are functional (e.g., energy consumption, natural lighting)” ( P 09).

Other uses were not adopted in the contemporary house design such as utilising the family house for childbirth because modern women mostly give birth in hospitals and clinics. Statistics South Africa ( 2020 ) revealed that the number of home deliveries has decreased from 14% in 1998 to 4% in 2016 while health facility deliveries have increased from 83.4% in 1998 to 96.7% in 2016 (Statistics South Africa 2020 ). Both 1998 and 2016 home deliveries statistics are indicative of the national level (Statistics South Africa 2020 ).

Placing the deceased’s coffin in the upper part of the family house (section B in Fig. 6 ) was adopted in contemporary rondavel utilisation until the Covid-19 pandemic when people became sceptical of disease transmission. Before the pandemic, the deceased’s body would arrive at home a day before burial, and people would gather for a final ceremony the night before the funeral (night vigil) inside the family house to honour the deceased (Bambalele 2020 ). A South African Covid-19 restriction prohibited corpses being sent home prior to the funeral and the hosting of night vigils (Bambalele 2020 ). This practice has continued since Covid-19 restrictions were relaxed, while others have stopped. However, once the deceased’s coffin arrives on the funeral day, it is taken to the upper part of the family house and a ritual will still be performed where incense is burnt and a request is made to the ancestors to welcome the deceased. Therefore, the cultural significance of the whole process does not rest with the placement of the deceased’s body a day before the funeral but the performance of the ritual.

The presence of mud benches on the men’s side no longer exists. Although the traditional rondavel structure is diminishing in the physical environment, modernisation has certainly swayed people’s sense of feeling, thinking, acting and their use of space. Admittedly, modernisation has not entirely appropriated the Xhosa people’s habitus. Some people were uninterested in adapting to some elements of the contemporary rondavel and house design: “A traditional rondavel must be present in a home. You can make fire, but it is difficult to do that on floor tiles. Still, you perform customs in traditional rondavel” (P 03).

These people continue to use traditional rondavels for the above purposes while also adapting the contemporary rondavel or house design for other uses such as sleeping, unless there is a ceremony when there is no space: “ People do not want to sleep on the floor in the rondavel, and there is no privacy and tile, or cemented floor is cold” (P 04).

While other participants preferred to continue performing traditional ceremonies and communicating with ancestors in the traditional rondavel structure, there were respondents who were open to communicating with ancestors and interacting with the living, and divide space based on gender in the contemporary rondavel – as indicated in Fig. 6 . The cultural strongholds continued to be practiced regardless of the house structure. Therefore, in the absence of a traditional rondavel structure in a homestead, any other house design such as butterfly or flat-roof corner houses can be used for traditional ceremonies: “any house structure can be used as a rondavel; it does not change the culture. It is the same” (P01).

Regarding food preparation, serving and storage, some people used the contemporary rondavel with slight changes for cooking. For example, food is prepared in the family house’s upper part (B section in Fig. 6 ) using a gas or electric stove instead of a hearth at the centre. Others will prepare food and store it in the kitchen of the main house, but people will be served in the contemporary rondavel.

This paper used the concept of habitus to understand whether the changing design and structure of rondavels has influenced its utilisation. Habitus refers to the norms, values, habits, dispositions and behaviours of a particular group, which can then guide how they feel, think, act, and use the space. Habitus can be a product of past experiences and practices learned from parents, family experiences, and society (Hong and Zhao 2015 ). It is created and reproduced by structures and practices of society; it is not fixed and changes over time due to particular circumstances (Bourdieu et al. 2000 ; Navarro 2006 ). The study discussed the amaXhosa people’s habitus on the utilisation of the traditional family house rondavel and how it has been influenced by the introduction of contemporary architectural designs. It is noted that architectural change brought by society does not change cultural norms, values, habits, dispositions and behaviours attached to rondavels but results in finding ways to accommodate and preserve its utilisation in new architectural developments and selectively choosing ideas to be transmitted to the contemporary house design. The cultural norms, values, habits, dispositions, and behaviours attached to rondavels have also been influenced by advancements in health and medical innovation, as well as Covid-19.

The findings revealed the habitus of the amaXhosa people at the Mbhashe Local Municipality. The utilisation of the traditional family house rondavel includes childbirth, placement of the deceased’s coffin, sleeping, seating, food preparation, serving and storage, keeping the spear, hosting ceremonies, communicating with ancestors, and interacting with the living. The amaXhosa habitus is acquired by growing up in the Xhosa society, being taught by parents, and observing how things are done, which has been passed down from generation to generation. The influence of contemporary architecture brought changes in the construction of rondavel.

Home births are no longer practised because of advancements in health and medicine. The placement of the deceased’s coffin in the upper part of the rondavel a day prior to the funeral has been adopted in the use of a contemporary rondavel; however, it is no longer prevalent because of the Covid-19 restrictions. However, on the day of the funeral, the deceased’s coffin is placed in the upper part of the rondavel for a shorter period and a ritual burning incense and asking the ancestors to welcome the deceased is performed because it is a critical cultural practice.

People also do not opt to sleep on the floor unless there is a ceremony. The preparation of food, its serving and storage differs in that there is no hearth in the new contemporary house; so food is prepared in the main house or the upper part of the rondavel. The gendered division of space, hosting ceremonies, communicating and interacting with ancestors has been adopted in contemporary houses too. However, some still prefer to host ceremonies and communicate with the ancestors in traditional rondavels instead.

People have not resisted new architectural designs or changing cultural norms, values, habits, dispositions and behaviours but have found ways to adapt. Certain old dispositions are adaptable to contemporary structures. Also, a study conducted by Moremoholo ( 2021 ) reveals that some indigenous values such as practising ancestral ceremonies can be incorporated or retained in modern house structure. However, some people are not interested in adapting elements to the contemporary rondavel. They would rather have two structures – the current rondavel design and a traditional rondavel to be utilised for uses that cannot be adapted to the contemporary rondavel. The presence of traditional rondavel in modern times is also witnessed even in Nigeria (Onyejegbu et al. 2023 ).

Some cultural norms, values, old habits, dispositions, and behaviours of utilising traditional rondavels were not adapted to the contemporary rondavel because of health and medical innovations such as childbirth and placing the deceased’s coffin in the rondavel. Clearly, some amaXhosa cultural practices are modified but not completely forgotten.

Future studies can focus on profiling architectural designs found in the Mbhashe Local Municipality and investigate their origins and influencing factors. Others could also focus on rondavels utilised by traditional healers to understand how they have been impacted by architectural changes to space utilisation. It will be also interesting to understand why people still opt for traditional rondavels despite the existence of beautiful modern buildings.

Data availability

All data generated or analysed during this study are included in this published article and additional information is available from the corresponding author on reasonable request.

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Informed consent was obtained from all individuals who participated in the study. Participants had to sign an informed consent declaration form, which provided information about the nature and purpose of the study, the benefits and risks, and how data is collected, managed, analysed, presented, and stored. The study uses the concept of habitus to understand whether the changing design of traditional rondavels has influenced their utilisation, based on a case study of the Mbhashe Local Municipality in the Eastern Cape province, South Africa. Participating in this research project contributes to the sustainability and preservation of memory. Participants answered questions from the interview schedule. Participation was entirely voluntary, and they were made aware that they could withdraw at any stage without any negative consequences and would not be compensated for participating. Participants were also notified that some use of space might trigger bad experiences and be sensitive or hurtful; should they feel triggered, they can withdraw or not talk about such experiences. Confidentiality and anonymity of records were maintained when presenting the results. The data collected is stored securely, and only used for publication of this journal, if any data collected is to be used by the Researcher for any further study, the participants will be informed in writing. Participants have a right to receive feedback about this research unless they elect not to receive this feedback.

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Ndude, A., Memela, S. Utilisation of rondavel space by amaXhosa people: a case of Mbhashe local municipality, Eastern Cape Province, South Africa. Humanit Soc Sci Commun 11 , 1122 (2024). https://doi.org/10.1057/s41599-024-03649-3

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Received : 13 February 2024

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DOI : https://doi.org/10.1057/s41599-024-03649-3

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