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Rhetorical Analysis of Margaret Thatcher's Speech

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The legacies of Margaret Thatcher’s rhetoric

• April 8 th 2013

By Richard Toye

The death of Margaret Thatcher has already prompted an outpouring of reflections upon her place in history. One aspect of her legacy that deserves attention is her use of rhetoric and the way in which, to a great degree, she helped reshape the language of British politics as well as the substance of policy. Historians divide about when original Thatcherism really was. Certainly, Thatcher’s brand of low tax, anti-union, pro-middle class politics had antecedents in the 1950s if not earlier. Yet, if her economic ideas were borrowed from others, her discursive style contained elements that were radically new.

It was not that aggressive political language was unprecedented in Britain, of course. At the 1945 election, Thatcher’s political hero Winston Churchill alleged that if a Labour government were elected it would have to fall back on ‘some form of Gestapo’ – a taunt which itself owed something to his continued use of the rough-and-tumble style of the Edwardian era. And there were other post-war Conservatives, such as Quintin Hogg and Enoch Powell, whose rhetoric was in some ways more outrageous than Thatcher’s own. What was new about her, though, was her ability not merely to bring what she called ‘conviction politics’ into the mainstream but to make it all but hegemonic as an ideal of political conduct.

To understand this, we need to appreciate what she was reacting against. Again, historians differ about whether there really was a ‘post-war consensus’, whereby the leaders of the main parties reached broad agreement on the desirability of Keynesian economic management and a moderately generous welfare state. What is clear, though, is that by the late 1960s there were an increasing number of voices claiming that such a consensus did exist, and that it was an elite stitch-up aimed at marginalising dissent and suppressing the unarticulated common sense desires of the mass of the British people. As Conservative Party leader after 1975 Thatcher successfully posed as the radical spokeswoman of ordinary Britons against the cosy arrangements of the small-‘c’ conservative Establishment, which in her view encompassed everything from trades union leaders to the hierarchy of the Church of England.

Furthermore, it wasn’t just the content of the consensus to which she objected; that is to say, she did not just think that the politicians of the post-war years happened to have arrived at a mistaken set of policies. Rather, she believed that it was their very manner of conducting politics – the quest for agreement and the aspiration to avoid strife – that had inevitably led to bad outcomes. As Thatcher put it shortly before she entered Downing Street, ‘The Old Testament prophets didn’t go out into the highways saying, ‘Brothers, I want consensus.’ They said, ‘This is my faith and my vision! This is what I passionately believe!’ Searching for areas of agreement with one’s opponents, then, was something she found inherently suspect.

This was not the whole story, of course. Once in office she could not do away wholly with the need for compromise, policy reversals, or downright electoral caution. However, the myth of the ‘iron lady’, which the media helped perpetuate, gave her substantial political cover for any such deviations from the true path of ideological grace. It was only when she began to completely believe the myth herself that she came unstuck, gradually dispensing with ministers who were willing to challenge her, and seemingly starting to value her own inflexibility as an inherent political virtue. Cue the disaster of the Poll Tax, battles over Europe, and her eventual exit from power.

Plainly, the effects of the Thatcher years have been long-lasting, and today’s debates about welfare and austerity are conducted very much in her shadow. Her idealisation of unyieldingness (or, if you prefer, obstinacy) as form of political conduct has been of equal importance. Tony Blair was borrowing from her playbook when he boasted that he did not have a reverse gear – a fairly significant defect, one might think, in any kind of vehicle. But perhaps her most powerful trope was her populism. Her ‘conviction’ rhetoric served as token of her alleged difference from other, more conventional politicians. This language served her very well electorally, but at the same time it served to devalue the inevitable, and arguably desirable, compromises of the ordinary political process.

Today, then, Thatcher’s economic views command considerable support across the political mainstream: the market is king. Yet the politicians who preach this post-Thatcherite consensus are themselves the object of popular hostility. They are now being attacked from the right, with UKIP gaining success by painting them as out of touch with the common people – the same trick that helped bring the Tories victory in 1979. RIP Maggie Thatcher; Long Live Nigel Farage.

Richard Toye studied at the University of Birmingham and subsequently the University of Cambridge, where he completed his Ph.D. He is currently Professor of Modern History at the University of Exeter. His books include Rhetoric: A Very Short Introduction (2013), Lloyd George and Churchill: Rivals for Greatness (2007) and Churchill’s Empire: The World That Made Him and the World He Made (2010).

The Very Short Introductions (VSI) series combines a small format with authoritative analysis and big ideas for hundreds of topic areas. Written by our expert authors, these books can change the way you think about the things that interest you and are the perfect introduction to subjects you previously knew nothing about. Grow your knowledge with OUPblog and the VSI series every Friday and like Very Short Introductions on Facebook.

Image credits: Margaret Thatcher By Williams [Public domain], via Wikimedia Commons ;  President Reagan and Prime Minister Margaret Thatcher at Camp David 1986. As a work of the U.S. federal government, the image is in the public domain via  Wikimedia Commons .

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Margaret Thatcher "The lady's not for turning" 1980

Contribution of Margaret Thatcher's "The Lady's Not for Turning" Speech to British Heritage.

The Iron Lady's Defiant Stance

Legacy of the speech, contribution to british heritage.

• The lady's not for turning en.wikipedia.org

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Margaret Thatcher and the Rhetorical Road to Brexit

• First Online: 25 July 2020

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• Andrew S. Roe-Crines 4  

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The United Kingdom has been on a long road to Brexit. Discontent between the UK and the EU simmered under the surface until Margaret Thatcher’s Bruges Speech in 1988. The force and passion of the speech gave a green light for critics to openly campaign for Brexit. This chapter examines how Thatcher’s interventions between 1990 and 2007 galvanised Eurosceptic views, culminating in the UK’s departure in early 2020.

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Lay Rhetoric on Brexit

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The Mein Kampf Ramp: Emily Overend Lorimer and the Publication of Mein Kampf in Britain

Within the PCP itself the speech ‘transformed’ the debate surrounding Britain’s relationship with the European Community, ‘galvanised’ those who shared sceptical ideas about continued integration, and legitimised their expression as part of a mainstream political dialogue (Turner 2000 , 124).

The analytical approach of this chapter will be methodologically informed by the Aristotelian modes of persuasion (ethos, pathos, logos). Respectively, these refer to the character/credibility (ethos) of a speaker; to their use of emotional arguments (pathos); and to their use of statistical and/or empirical evidence (logos). This analytical approach has proven methodologically robust in the scholarship of Atkins et al. ( 2014 ), Crines ( 2013 , 2014 ), Hayton and Crines ( 2015 ), Finlayson ( 2012 ), and Toye ( 2013 ), amongst others.

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The 1995 Conservative Leadership election was initiated when John Major resigned as party leader following rumours of a potential leadership challenge. He stood on a ticket of ‘put up or shut up’ on his leadership style and attitude towards European integration. John Redwood emerged as a main challenger, who Major beat after securing the support of 66% of the Parliamentary party. Major remained formally unchallenged for the leadership for the remainder of his Premiership.

The subsequent passing of the Treaty of Amsterdam (1997); Treaty of Nice (2001); and Treaty of Lisbon (2007) continued the integrationist processes.

One Nation Conservatism, broadly defined, aims to highlight the economic and social problems of a heavily divided society between rich and poor, and poses solutions that demonstrate responsibilities between social classes.

John Major’s government opted out of the Social Chapter of the Maastricht Treaty.

During the 1997 general election, the Conservatives secured 30% of the vote; Labour secured 43%; and the Liberal Democrats secured 17%. Turnout was 71%.

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Roe-Crines, A.S. (2020). Margaret Thatcher and the Rhetorical Road to Brexit. In: Mullen, A., Farrall, S., Jeffery, D. (eds) Thatcherism in the 21st Century. Palgrave Macmillan, Cham. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-41792-5_10

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Margaret Thatcher Eulogy Rhetorical Analysis

Former Prime Minister of Great Britain, Margret Thatcher, on June 11, 2004, emotionally conveyed her eulogy for President Ronald Reagan. Margaret speaks in a way of honoring him by telling the audience what a good president and great friend he was. Margret beautifully speaks to her audience using imagery as a way to reflect on the past, diction by using words that honor him, and finally, repetition to persuade what she was conveying. Margaret creates a mournful atmosphere in honor and respect for a great President, friend, and family member. 

The first rhetorical device used was Thatcher's imagery. She talks to the audience as if everyone was as close to him as she was. Thatcher sets scenes to demonstrate how diligently Reagan worked caring for everyone and the U.S. She sets a picture in everyone’s minds for them to imagine and see themselves as if Regan was right in front of them. 

The second rhetorical device Thatcher used was her diction. She talks in ways that help the audience picture him as the man that she saw. She uses words that exalt him and build his character. Her words are heartfelt showing these were true emotions and feelings that she had. Thatcher’s words play off her imagery helping the audience feel what she was feeling. Thatcher’s words building Reagan up, helped family and friends cherish past memories they had with him. 

The final rhetorical device Thatcher used was her repetition. She continually builds Reagan up making it known as honorable he was. Thatcher told memories of Reagan saying he never had a dull moment and how he always had the best interest in mind for the country. Her repetition brought light to his good character and morals and really gave Thatcher clarity on the loss of her good friend. Thatcher’s repetition told heartfelt stories and memories that she and his family will never forget, showing just how much he will be missed.

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Speeches, etc.

Speeches, interviews & other statements

The core of this site is a massive database of MT's public statements of all kinds across the years (speeches, interviews, press conferences, etc), searchable by date, subject, importance, and keyword.

The items stored in this section of the site are texts, but many of the most important statements are also available in audio or video form in the separate Multimedia section.

Between 1945-90 every statement made by Margaret Thatcher is listed, as far as can be known. There are more than 8,000.

Since 1990 a selection of statements is listed. (MT gave up public speaking in March 2002.)

Texts for listed statements are available on the site in almost 70 per cent of cases.

The remainder are listed without a text because sometimes no record survives or copyright prevents reproduction on the site.

Where copyright is the problem, the full text can be found on the Complete Public Statements of Margaret Thatcher on CD-ROM, 1945-90, edited Christopher Collins (Oxford University Press, 1998-2000). Such items have an CD icon next to them in the second column of the results list.

Buy the CD-ROM from this link or find one of the 1600 libraries around the world which hold the CD-ROM.

The preface to the Oxford CD-ROM explains how the statements were assembled and edited for the disk. This site follow the same rules (and shares an editor).

Ten famous speeches, interviews, etc.

Read ten famous items

Highlights: 1945-79

MT gave her first speech in July 1945, delivered in a town close to Grantham while she was an Oxford student home for the university holidays.

She made her maiden speech in the House of Commons on 5 February 1960 and gave her first television interview the following day . She was able to reach Cabinet rank in 1970 without appearing on television more than a handful of times.

In 1968 she gave a lecture asking What's wrong with politics? which revealed a good deal as to her political outlook at the time.

MT won election as Conservative leader on 11 February 1975 and gave a euphoric performance at a Press Conference afterwards .

In January 1976 she gave the speech which caused the Soviets to dub her "the Iron Lady" .

The Winter of Discontent in 1978-79 brought rhetorical as well as political opportunities. She made one of her best Parliamentary speeches in a debate on the strikes .

Highlights: 1979-90

MT prayed on the steps of Downing Street on 4 May 1979 .

After the Dublin European Council in November 1979 she began a long battle with the European Community when she declared that she wanted our money back .

At the October 1980 Conservative Conference, in the midst of economic recession, she warned that she was not for turning.

She invited the press to rejoice at the capture of South Georgia on 25 April 1982 and announced that White Flags were flying over Port Stanley on 14 June .

At Cheltenham the following month she drew an important moral from the Falklands war: "We have ceased to be a nation in retreat".

In January 1983 she talked of "Victorian Values" .

In October 1984 she survived an IRA bomb during the Conservative Conference at Brighton, insisting that the Conference go on and making her big speech the following day as scheduled.

Meeting Gorbachev for the first time in December 1984 she declared: "We can do business together".

She defended Ronald Reagan's decision to bomb Libya in April 1986 and spoke in his defence during the IranContra affair later that year..

Elected for a third term in June 1987, she told an interviewer "there is no such thing as society" and is still being scolded for the remark.You can read here exactly what she said, verbatim and in context.

At Bruges in September 1988 she outraged European orthodoxy by declaring: "We have not successfully rolled back the frontiers of the state in Britain, only to see them re-imposed at a European level with a European super-state exercising a new dominance from Brussels" .

A week later she spoke with concern about global warming , having done more than any other politician to secure international action to repair the damaged ozone layer.

On 30 October 1990 she made the first of the series of famous statements that marked the end of her premiership , rejecting Commission proposals at the Rome European Council with the words "No, no, no" .

When Sir Geoffrey Howe resigned in consequence, she replied to his resignation letter on 1 November , defended herself against rough bowling at the Lord Mayor's Banquet (12 November) and gave three press interviews (15-17 November) when Howe's resignation speech led Michael Heseltine to run against her for the party leadership.

Unable to win the leadership ballot outright, she stood on the steps of the British Embassy in Paris and stated her intention to allow her name to go forward to the second ballot (20 November). When she returned from Paris many cabinet colleagues showed that they did not want her to go on (21 November) and that night she made the decision to resign. The resignation was announced in a statement the following morning (22 November), hours before she delivered an outstanding defence of the Government in the Commons .

She made her remarks departing Downing Street on 28 November.

Highlights: since 1990

After leaving office, MT widened and deepened her criticism of the European Union in a speech at The Hague in May 1992.

She was among the first Western leaders to make the case for intervention to protect Bosnia when Serb concentration camps were revealed in August 1992.

She attacked the Treaty of Maastricht in a speech to the House of Lords in June 1993.

Following several small strokes she announced, in March 2002, that her career as a speechmaker had ended. When President Reagan died in June 2004, she delivered a deeply felt eulogy , filmed in advance and relayed by video link to screens in the National Cathedral in Washington. This was her last important public statement.

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Rhetorical Analysis: Margaret Thatcher’s Eulogy for Ronald Reagan

*I wrote this all out at once like the AP exam so it gets more understandable towards the end*

Former British Prime Minister Margaret Thatcher gave a eulogy for former US president Ronald Reagan to the American people highlighting his positive attitude, grace in politics during the Cold War, and firm resolve and faith in his country. Thatcher used positive word choice to describe Reagan, personal anecdotes to reveal parts of his life, and showed Reagan as an American first and President second in order to personalize Reagan for the American people.

Thatcher employs positive word choice throughout Reagan’s eulogy to personalize it and make it relatable to the American people. Reagan was not only a close friend to Thatcher, but he was a leader on the world stage, with his actions constantly being critiqued by others. Through describing Reagan as a man with “cheerful resolve”, “firm resolve”, and “grace of a deeper kind”, Thatcher is able to re-define Reagan’s legacy for the American people. Many of his actions during the Cold War gathered widespread doubt among Americans: could Reagan be a good President? Was he fit for the job? Thatcher aims to re-evaluate his aptness for presidency through examining him as a person with “firm and unyielding resolve” and American “large-hearted magnanimity”. “His policies had a freshness and optimism that won converts from every class and every nation, and ultimately, from the very heart of the ‘evil empire.’ (P1)” The character traits that Thatcher mentions throughout the eulogy are the things that made him the best American to represent his country during the Cold War. His “optimism” and “freshness” are what gave him the ability to unite American during such a divisive time.

As the eulogy continues, Thatcher begins to pull in personal anecdotes to give Americans a different perspective on their former president. Thatcher sees Reagan as an incredible man, and wants American to see him this way as well. “I cannot imagine how any diplomat or any dramatist could improve on his words to Mikhail Gorbachev at the Geneva summit. “Let me tell you why it is we distrust you.” Those words are candid and tough, and they cannot have been easy to hear. But they are also a clear invitation to a new beginning and a new relationship that would be rooted in trust.” This was a confidential summit, and many people in the world would have never known about this interaction if they hadn’t seen it for themselves. As she shares these kinds of personal anecdotes, she is better able to connect with her audience when she makes Americans see Reagan as a person rather than a president. Thatcher is able to share extremely personal information about Reagan, “Ronnie himself certainly believed that he had been given back his life for a purpose. As he told a priest after his recovery, ‘Whatever time I’ve got left now belongs to the big fella upstairs.’ (P2)” What he said is relatable to many Americans and including it in his eulogy helps Thatcher to describe Reagan. Sharing these kinds of stories in the middle of the eulogy sets the audience up with a better picture of Reagan as a person, and allows her to discuss that next.

Thatcher concludes the eulogy by talking about Reagan as an American. “When [Reagan’s] allies came under Soviet or domestic pressure, they could look confidently to Washington for firm leadership, and when his enemies tested American resolve, they soon discovered that his resolve was firm and unyielding.” He had his own resolve, but also the resolve of America because he was American. Being American was part of his identity and it allowed him to face the world and fight for what his country believed in. Thatcher uses his identity as an American to make him a person for the American people, rather than a president. Thatcher leaves America with the responsibilty of Reagan’s legacy, “Therein lies perhaps the final explanation of his achievements. Ronald Reagan carried the American people with him in his great endeavours because there was perfect sympathy between them. He and they loved America and what it stands for: freedom and opportunity for ordinary people.” She argues that the people of America were always a part of Reagan, and they made him the president that he was. In saying these things, Thatcher is able to honor Reagan through the American people.

As Former British Prime Minister Margaret Thatcher stood in front of millions of Americans on June 11th, 2004 she had one goal: make the world see former US President Ronald Reagan as a person. She wanted to honor his legacy through making him an American, returning him to what he was before world power. She wanted to personalize him, make him understandable, relatable to her audience. Thatcher used positive word choices throughout the eulogy to command respect for Reagan, personal anecdotes in the middle of her speech to paint a picture of the Reagan he knew and loved, and concluded by solidifying his impact as an American on his people in order to personalize the former president for Americans.

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