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102 Child Welfare Essay Topic Ideas & Examples

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Child welfare is a critical issue that affects the well-being and future of our society. It encompasses various aspects, including child protection, foster care, adoption, education, healthcare, and social services. Writing an essay on child welfare can be challenging, as it requires in-depth research and a comprehensive understanding of the topic. To help you get started, here are 102 child welfare essay topic ideas and examples:

Child Protection:

• The role of child protection agencies in ensuring the safety of children.
• The impact of child abuse on a child's development and well-being.
• Strategies to prevent child abuse and neglect in society.
• The effectiveness of child protection laws in different countries.
• The long-term consequences of child abuse on victims' mental health.
• Exploring the relationship between child abuse and substance abuse in parents.
• The role of schools in identifying and reporting child abuse cases.
• The importance of community involvement in child protection efforts.
• Cultural perspectives on child protection and its implications.
• The ethical considerations in child protection interventions.

Foster Care:

• The challenges faced by children in the foster care system.
• Evaluating the impact of frequent placement changes on foster children.
• The role of foster care in providing stability and support for children.
• Exploring the experiences of foster parents and their motivations.
• The importance of maintaining connections with birth families in foster care.
• The educational outcomes of children in foster care.
• The impact of trauma on children entering the foster care system.
• The effectiveness of post-placement support programs for foster families.
• The role of foster care in addressing racial disparities in child welfare.
• The long-term outcomes of children aging out of the foster care system.
• The benefits and challenges of transracial adoption.
• Exploring open adoption and its impact on birth parents, adoptive parents, and the child.
• The experiences of LGBTQ+ individuals and couples in the adoption process.
• The impact of adoption on a child's sense of identity and belonging.
• The role of international adoption in providing permanent homes for children.
• The ethical dilemmas in adoption practices and policies.
• The importance of post-adoption support services for families.
• The impact of adoption on sibling relationships.
• The experiences of adult adoptees and their search for biological roots.
• The influence of media representation on public perception of adoption.
• The impact of poverty on educational outcomes for children.
• Exploring the achievement gap in education and its implications for child welfare.
• The role of schools in supporting children who have experienced trauma.
• The benefits and challenges of inclusive education for children with disabilities.
• The importance of early childhood education in promoting child development.
• The impact of standardized testing on students' well-being.
• The role of teachers in identifying and addressing child welfare concerns.
• Exploring alternative schooling options for children with unique needs.
• The influence of socioeconomic factors on educational opportunities.
• The effectiveness of educational interventions for children in foster care.

Healthcare:

• The impact of healthcare disparities on child welfare outcomes.
• Exploring the connection between child health and child welfare.
• The role of pediatricians in identifying and reporting child abuse.
• Addressing mental health needs in child welfare systems.
• The importance of preventive healthcare for children in vulnerable situations.
• The impact of trauma-informed care on child well-being.
• Exploring barriers to accessing healthcare for children in underserved communities.
• The role of technology in improving healthcare outcomes for children.
• The ethical considerations in medical decision-making for children in foster care.
• The long-term health outcomes of children who have experienced adversity.

Social Services:

• The role of social workers in child welfare systems.
• Exploring the intersectionality of race, class, and child welfare outcomes.
• The impact of housing instability on child well-being.
• The importance of family preservation services in preventing child removal.
• The challenges faced by kinship caregivers in providing care for children.
• The role of community-based organizations in supporting families at risk.
• The impact of substance abuse on child welfare interventions.
• Exploring the effectiveness of family support programs in preventing child maltreatment.
• The experiences of youth transitioning out of the child welfare system.
• The influence of public policy on child welfare outcomes.

Child Rights and Advocacy:

• Exploring the United Nations Convention on the Rights of the Child and its implementation.
• The role of child advocates in ensuring the rights and well-being of children.
• The impact of child labor on children's rights and development.
• The importance of children's participation in decision-making processes.
• The influence of media on shaping public perception of child welfare issues.
• Addressing child marriage and its consequences for child welfare.
• Exploring child trafficking and its implications for child welfare.
• The role of non-governmental organizations in advocating for child rights.
• The impact of armed conflict on children's rights and well-being.
• The ethical considerations in conducting research involving children.

Parenting and Family Support:

• The importance of parenting programs in promoting child well-being.
• Exploring the impact of parental substance abuse on child welfare.
• The role of fathers in child welfare interventions.
• The challenges faced by single parents in providing for their children.
• The impact of incarcerated parents on children's well-being.
• The effectiveness of home visiting programs in supporting vulnerable families.
• Addressing domestic violence and its impact on child welfare.
• Exploring the cultural variations in parenting practices and their implications.
• The influence of parental mental health on child welfare outcomes.
• The role of extended family networks in supporting child welfare.

Technology and Child Welfare:

• The impact of social media on child welfare interventions.
• Exploring the ethical implications of using technology in child welfare practices.
• The benefits and challenges of digital platforms in connecting foster children with potential adoptive families.
• The role of telehealth in improving access to healthcare for children in rural areas.
• The use of artificial intelligence in identifying at-risk children.
• The potential of virtual reality in trauma-informed care for children.
• Addressing cyberbullying and its impact on child welfare.
• Exploring the digital divide and its implications for child welfare outcomes.
• The role of technology in supporting youth aging out of the foster care system.
• The influence of screen time on child development and well-being.

International Perspectives on Child Welfare:

• Comparing child welfare systems in different countries.
• The impact of globalization on child welfare practices.
• Exploring child labor in developing countries and its implications for child welfare.
• The role of international organizations in promoting child welfare globally.
• Addressing child soldiers and their rehabilitation in post-conflict societies.
• The influence of cultural norms on child welfare policies and practices.
• The experiences of refugee children and their access to child welfare services.
• Exploring child marriage practices and their impact on child welfare in different regions.
• The role of international adoption in addressing orphanhood.
• Comparing child trafficking policies and interventions across countries.

Emerging Issues in Child Welfare:

• The impact of the COVID-19 pandemic on child welfare outcomes.
• Exploring the intersection between climate change and child welfare.

These essay topic ideas and examples provide a starting point for exploring various aspects of child welfare. Remember to critically analyze the issues, consider multiple perspectives, and support your arguments with evidence. By delving into these topics, you can contribute to the ongoing conversation and work towards improving the lives of children worldwide.

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Family Relationships and Well-Being

Patricia a thomas.

1 Department of Sociology and Center on Aging and the Life Course, Purdue University, West Lafayette, Indiana

2 Department of Sociology, Michigan State University, East Lansing

Debra Umberson

3 Department of Sociology and Population Research Center, University of Texas at Austin

Family relationships are enduring and consequential for well-being across the life course. We discuss several types of family relationships—marital, intergenerational, and sibling ties—that have an important influence on well-being. We highlight the quality of family relationships as well as diversity of family relationships in explaining their impact on well-being across the adult life course. We discuss directions for future research, such as better understanding the complexities of these relationships with greater attention to diverse family structures, unexpected benefits of relationship strain, and unique intersections of social statuses.

Translational Significance

It is important for future research and health promotion policies to take into account complexities in family relationships, paying attention to family context, diversity of family structures, relationship quality, and intersections of social statuses in an aging society to provide resources to families to reduce caregiving burdens and benefit health and well-being.

For better and for worse, family relationships play a central role in shaping an individual’s well-being across the life course ( Merz, Consedine, Schulze, & Schuengel, 2009 ). An aging population and concomitant age-related disease underlies an emergent need to better understand factors that contribute to health and well-being among the increasing numbers of older adults in the United States. Family relationships may become even more important to well-being as individuals age, needs for caregiving increase, and social ties in other domains such as the workplace become less central in their lives ( Milkie, Bierman, & Schieman, 2008 ). In this review, we consider key family relationships in adulthood—marital, parent–child, grandparent, and sibling relationships—and their impact on well-being across the adult life course.

We begin with an overview of theoretical explanations that point to the primary pathways and mechanisms through which family relationships influence well-being, and then we describe how each type of family relationship is associated with well-being, and how these patterns unfold over the adult life course. In this article, we use a broad definition of well-being, including multiple dimensions such as general happiness, life satisfaction, and good mental and physical health, to reflect the breadth of this concept’s use in the literature. We explore important directions for future research, emphasizing the need for research that takes into account the complexity of relationships, diverse family structures, and intersections of structural locations.

Pathways Linking Family Relationships to Well-Being

A life course perspective draws attention to the importance of linked lives, or interdependence within relationships, across the life course ( Elder, Johnson, & Crosnoe, 2003 ). Family members are linked in important ways through each stage of life, and these relationships are an important source of social connection and social influence for individuals throughout their lives ( Umberson, Crosnoe, & Reczek, 2010 ). Substantial evidence consistently shows that social relationships can profoundly influence well-being across the life course ( Umberson & Montez, 2010 ). Family connections can provide a greater sense of meaning and purpose as well as social and tangible resources that benefit well-being ( Hartwell & Benson, 2007 ; Kawachi & Berkman, 2001 ).

The quality of family relationships, including social support (e.g., providing love, advice, and care) and strain (e.g., arguments, being critical, making too many demands), can influence well-being through psychosocial, behavioral, and physiological pathways. Stressors and social support are core components of stress process theory ( Pearlin, 1999 ), which argues that stress can undermine mental health while social support may serve as a protective resource. Prior studies clearly show that stress undermines health and well-being ( Thoits, 2010 ), and strains in relationships with family members are an especially salient type of stress. Social support may provide a resource for coping that dulls the detrimental impact of stressors on well-being ( Thoits, 2010 ), and support may also promote well-being through increased self-esteem, which involves more positive views of oneself ( Fukukawa et al., 2000 ). Those receiving support from their family members may feel a greater sense of self-worth, and this enhanced self-esteem may be a psychological resource, encouraging optimism, positive affect, and better mental health ( Symister & Friend, 2003 ). Family members may also regulate each other’s behaviors (i.e., social control) and provide information and encouragement to behave in healthier ways and to more effectively utilize health care services ( Cohen, 2004 ; Reczek, Thomeer, Lodge, Umberson, & Underhill, 2014 ), but stress in relationships may also lead to health-compromising behaviors as coping mechanisms to deal with stress ( Ng & Jeffery, 2003 ). The stress of relationship strain can result in physiological processes that impair immune function, affect the cardiovascular system, and increase risk for depression ( Graham, Christian, & Kiecolt-Glaser, 2006 ; Kiecolt-Glaser & Newton, 2001 ), whereas positive relationships are associated with lower allostatic load (i.e., “wear and tear” on the body accumulating from stress) ( Seeman, Singer, Ryff, Love, & Levy-Storms, 2002 ). Clearly, the quality of family relationships can have considerable consequences for well-being.

Marital Relationships

A life course perspective has posited marital relationships as one of the most important relationships that define life context and in turn affect individuals’ well-being throughout adulthood ( Umberson & Montez, 2010 ). Being married, especially happily married, is associated with better mental and physical health ( Carr & Springer, 2010 ; Umberson, Williams, & Thomeer, 2013 ), and the strength of the marital effect on health is comparable to that of other traditional risk factors such as smoking and obesity ( Sbarra, 2009 ). Although some studies emphasize the possibility of selection effects, suggesting that individuals in better health are more likely to be married ( Lipowicz, 2014 ), most researchers emphasize two theoretical models to explain why marital relationships shape well-being: the marital resource model and the stress model ( Waite & Gallager, 2000 ; Williams & Umberson, 2004 ). The marital resource model suggests that marriage promotes well-being through increased access to economic, social, and health-promoting resources ( Rendall, Weden, Favreault, & Waldron, 2011 ; Umberson et al., 2013 ). The stress model suggests that negative aspects of marital relationships such as marital strain and marital dissolutions create stress and undermine well-being ( Williams & Umberson, 2004 ), whereas positive aspects of marital relationships may prompt social support, enhance self-esteem, and promote healthier behaviors in general and in coping with stress ( Reczek, Thomeer, et al., 2014 ; Symister & Friend, 2003 ; Waite & Gallager, 2000 ). Marital relationships also tend to become more salient with advancing age, as other social relationships such as those with family members, friends, and neighbors are often lost due to geographic relocation and death in the later part of the life course ( Liu & Waite, 2014 ).

Married people, on average, enjoy better mental health, physical health, and longer life expectancy than divorced/separated, widowed, and never-married people ( Hughes & Waite, 2009 ; Simon, 2002 ), although the health gap between the married and never married has decreased in the past few decades ( Liu & Umberson, 2008 ). Moreover, marital links to well-being depend on the quality of the relationship; those in distressed marriages are more likely to report depressive symptoms and poorer health than those in happy marriages ( Donoho, Crimmins, & Seeman, 2013 ; Liu & Waite, 2014 ; Umberson, Williams, Powers, Liu, & Needham, 2006 ), whereas a happy marriage may buffer the effects of stress via greater access to emotional support ( Williams, 2003 ). A number of studies suggest that the negative aspects of close relationships have a stronger impact on well-being than the positive aspects of relationships (e.g., Rook, 2014 ), and past research shows that the impact of marital strain on health increases with advancing age ( Liu & Waite, 2014 ; Umberson et al., 2006 ).

Prior studies suggest that marital transitions, either into or out of marriage, shape life context and affect well-being ( Williams & Umberson, 2004 ). National longitudinal studies provide evidence that past experiences of divorce and widowhood are associated with increased risk of heart disease in later life especially among women, irrespective of current marital status ( Zhang & Hayward, 2006 ), and longer duration of divorce or widowhood is associated with a greater number of chronic conditions and mobility limitations ( Hughes & Waite, 2009 ; Lorenz, Wickrama, Conger, & Elder, 2006 ) but only short-term declines in mental health ( Lee & Demaris, 2007 ). On the other hand, entry into marriages, especially first marriages, improves psychological well-being and decreases depression ( Frech & Williams, 2007 ; Musick & Bumpass, 2012 ), although the benefits of remarriage may not be as large as those that accompany a first marriage ( Hughes & Waite, 2009 ). Taken together, these studies show the importance of understanding the lifelong cumulative impact of marital status and marital transitions.

Gender Differences

Gender is a central focus of research on marital relationships and well-being and an important determinant of life course experiences ( Bernard, 1972 ; Liu & Waite, 2014 ; Zhang & Hayward, 2006 ). A long-observed pattern is that men receive more physical health benefits from marriage than women, and women are more psychologically and physiologically vulnerable to marital stress than men ( Kiecolt-Glaser & Newton, 2001 ; Revenson et al., 2016 ; Simon, 2002 ; Williams, 2004 ). Women tend to receive more financial benefits from their typically higher-earning male spouse than do men, but men generally receive more health promotion benefits such as emotional support and regulation of health behaviors from marriage than do women ( Liu & Umberson, 2008 ; Liu & Waite, 2014 ). This is because within a traditional marriage, women tend to take more responsibility for maintaining social connections to family and friends, and are more likely to provide emotional support to their husband, whereas men are more likely to receive emotional support and enjoy the benefit of expanded social networks—all factors that may promote husbands’ health and well-being ( Revenson et al., 2016 ).

However, there is mixed evidence regarding whether men’s or women’s well-being is more affected by marriage. On the one hand, a number of studies have documented that marital status differences in both mental and physical health are greater for men than women ( Liu & Umberson, 2008 ; Sbarra, 2009 ). For example, Williams and Umberson (2004) found that men’s health improves more than women’s from entering marriage. On the other hand, a number of studies reveal stronger effects of marital strain on women’s health than men’s including more depressive symptoms, increases in cardiovascular health risk, and changes in hormones ( Kiecolt-Glaser & Newton, 2001 ; Liu & Waite, 2014 ; Liu, Waite, & Shen, 2016 ). Yet, other studies found no gender differences in marriage and health links (e.g., Umberson et al., 2006 ). The mixed evidence regarding gender differences in the impact of marital relationships on well-being may be attributed to different study samples (e.g., with different age groups) and variations in measurements and methodologies. More research based on representative longitudinal samples is clearly warranted to contribute to this line of investigation.

Race-Ethnicity and SES Heterogeneity

Family scholars argue that marriage has different meanings and dynamics across socioeconomic status (SES) and racial-ethnic groups due to varying social, economic, historical, and cultural contexts. Therefore, marriage may be associated with well-being in different ways across these groups. For example, women who are black or lower SES may be less likely than their white, higher SES counterparts to increase their financial capital from relationship unions because eligible men in their social networks are more socioeconomically challenged ( Edin & Kefalas, 2005 ). Some studies also find that marital quality is lower among low SES and black couples than white couples with higher SES ( Broman, 2005 ). This may occur because the former groups face more stress in their daily lives throughout the life course and these higher levels of stress undermine marital quality ( Umberson, Williams, Thomas, Liu, & Thomeer, 2014 ). Other studies, however, suggest stronger effects of marriage on the well-being of black adults than white adults. For example, black older adults seem to benefit more from marriage than older whites in terms of chronic conditions and disability ( Pienta, Hayward, & Jenkins, 2000 ).

Directions for Future Research

The rapid aging of the U.S. population along with significant changes in marriage and families indicate that a growing number of older adults enter late life with both complex marital histories and great heterogeneity in their relationships. While most research to date focuses on different-sex marriages, a growing body of research has started to examine whether the marital advantage in health and well-being is extended to same-sex couples, which represents a growing segment of relationship types among older couples ( Denney, Gorman, & Barrera, 2013 ; Goldsen et al., 2017 ; Liu, Reczek, & Brown, 2013 ; Reczek, Liu, & Spiker, 2014 ). Evidence shows that same-sex cohabiting couples report worse health than different-sex married couples ( Denney et al., 2013 ; Liu et al., 2013 ), but same-sex married couples are often not significantly different from or are even better off than different-sex married couples in other outcomes such as alcohol use ( Reczek, Liu, et al., 2014 ) and care from their partner during periods of illness ( Umberson, Thomeer, Reczek, & Donnelly, 2016 ). These results suggest that marriage may promote the well-being of same-sex couples, perhaps even more so than for different-sex couples ( Umberson et al., 2016 ). Including same-sex couples in future work on marriage and well-being will garner unique insights into gender differences in marital dynamics that have long been taken for granted based on studies of different-sex couples ( Umberson, Thomeer, Kroeger, Lodge, & Xu, 2015 ). Moreover, future work on same-sex and different-sex couples should take into account the intersection of other statuses such as race-ethnicity and SES to better understand the impact of marital relationships on well-being.

Another avenue for future research involves investigating complexities of marital strain effects on well-being. Some recent studies among older adults suggest that relationship strain may actually benefit certain dimensions of well-being. These studies suggest that strain with a spouse may be protective for certain health outcomes including cognitive decline ( Xu, Thomas, & Umberson, 2016 ) and diabetes control ( Liu et al., 2016 ), while support may not be, especially for men ( Carr, Cornman, & Freedman, 2016 ). Explanations for these unexpected findings among older adults are not fully understood. Family and health scholars suggest that spouses may prod their significant others to engage in more health-promoting behaviors ( Umberson, Crosnoe, et al., 2010 ). These attempts may be a source of friction, creating strain in the relationship; however, this dynamic may still contribute to better health outcomes for older adults. Future research should explore the processes by which strain may have a positive influence on health and well-being, perhaps differently by gender.

Intergenerational Relationships

Children and parents tend to remain closely connected to each other across the life course, and it is well-established that the quality of intergenerational relationships is central to the well-being of both generations ( Merz, Schuengel, & Schulze, 2009 ; Polenick, DePasquale, Eggebeen, Zarit, & Fingerman, 2016 ). Recent research also points to the importance of relationships with grandchildren for aging adults ( Mahne & Huxhold, 2015 ). We focus here on the well-being of parents, adult children, and grandparents. Parents, grandparents, and children often provide care for each other at different points in the life course, which can contribute to social support, stress, and social control mechanisms that influence the health and well-being of each in important ways over the life course ( Nomaguchi & Milkie, 2003 ; Pinquart & Soerensen, 2007 ; Reczek, Thomeer, et al., 2014 ).

Family scholarship highlights the complexities of parent–child relationships, finding that parenthood generates both rewards and stressors, with important implications for well-being ( Nomaguchi & Milkie, 2003 ; Umberson, Pudrovska, & Reczek, 2010 ). Parenthood increases time constraints, producing stress and diminishing well-being, especially when children are younger ( Nomaguchi, Milkie, & Bianchi, 2005 ), but parenthood can also increase social integration, leading to greater emotional support and a sense of belonging and meaning ( Berkman, Glass, Brissette, & Seeman, 2000 ), with positive consequences for well-being. Studies show that adult children play a pivotal role in the social networks of their parents across the life course ( Umberson, Pudrovska, et al., 2010 ), and the effects of parenthood on health and well-being become increasingly important at older ages as adult children provide one of the major sources of care for aging adults ( Seltzer & Bianchi, 2013 ). Norms of filial obligation of adult children to care for parents may be a form of social capital to be accessed by parents when their needs arise ( Silverstein, Gans, & Yang, 2006 ).

Although the general pattern is that receiving support from adult children is beneficial for parents’ well-being ( Merz, Schulze, & Schuengel, 2010 ), there is also evidence showing that receiving social support from adult children is related to lower well-being among older adults, suggesting that challenges to an identity of independence and usefulness may offset some of the benefits of receiving support ( Merz et al., 2010 ; Thomas, 2010 ). Contrary to popular thought, older parents are also very likely to provide instrumental/financial support to their adult children, typically contributing more than they receive ( Grundy, 2005 ), and providing emotional support to their adult children is related to higher well-being for older adults ( Thomas, 2010 ). In addition, consistent with the tenets of stress process theory, most evidence points to poor quality relationships with adult children as detrimental to parents’ well-being ( Koropeckyj-Cox, 2002 ; Polenick et al., 2016 ); however, a recent study found that strain with adult children is related to better cognitive health among older parents, especially fathers ( Thomas & Umberson, 2017 ).

Adult Children

As children and parents age, the nature of the parent–child relationship often changes such that adult children may take on a caregiving role for their older parents ( Pinquart & Soerensen, 2007 ). Adult children often experience competing pressures of employment, taking care of their own children, and providing care for older parents ( Evans et al., 2016 ). Support and strain from intergenerational ties during this stressful time of balancing family roles and work obligations may be particularly important for the mental health of adults in midlife ( Thomas, 2016 ). Most evidence suggests that caregiving for parents is related to lower well-being for adult children, including more negative affect and greater stress response in terms of overall output of daily cortisol ( Bangerter et al., 2017 ); however, some studies suggest that caregiving may be beneficial or neutral for well-being ( Merz et al., 2010 ). Family scholars suggest that this discrepancy may be due to varying types of caregiving and relationship quality. For example, providing emotional support to parents can increase well-being, but providing instrumental support does not unless the caregiver is emotionally engaged ( Morelli, Lee, Arnn, & Zaki, 2015 ). Moreover, the quality of the adult child-parent relationship may matter more for the well-being of adult children than does the caregiving they provide ( Merz, Schuengel, et al., 2009 ).

Although caregiving is a critical issue, adult children generally experience many years with parents in good health ( Settersten, 2007 ), and relationship quality and support exchanges have important implications for well-being beyond caregiving roles. The preponderance of research suggests that most adults feel emotionally close to their parents, and emotional support such as encouragement, companionship, and serving as a confidant is commonly exchanged in both directions ( Swartz, 2009 ). Intergenerational support exchanges often flow across generations or towards adult children rather than towards parents. For example, adult children are more likely to receive financial support from parents than vice versa until parents are very old ( Grundy, 2005 ). Intergenerational support exchanges are integral to the lives of both parents and adult children, both in times of need and in daily life.

Grandparents

Over 65 million Americans are grandparents ( Ellis & Simmons, 2014 ), 10% of children lived with at least one grandparent in 2012 ( Dunifon, Ziol-Guest, & Kopko, 2014 ), and a growing number of American families rely on grandparents as a source of support ( Settersten, 2007 ), suggesting the importance of studying grandparenting. Grandparents’ relationships with their grandchildren are generally related to higher well-being for both grandparents and grandchildren, with some important exceptions such as when they involve more extensive childcare responsibilities ( Kim, Kang, & Johnson-Motoyama, 2017 ; Lee, Clarkson-Hendrix, & Lee, 2016 ). Most grandparents engage in activities with their grandchildren that they find meaningful, feel close to their grandchildren, consider the grandparent role important ( Swartz, 2009 ), and experience lower well-being if they lose contact with their grandchildren ( Drew & Silverstein, 2007 ). However, a growing proportion of children live in households maintained by grandparents ( Settersten, 2007 ), and grandparents who care for their grandchildren without the support of the children’s parents usually experience greater stress ( Lee et al., 2016 ) and more depressive symptoms ( Blustein, Chan, & Guanais, 2004 ), sometimes juggling grandparenting responsibilities with their own employment ( Harrington Meyer, 2014 ). Using professional help and community services reduced the detrimental effects of grandparent caregiving on well-being ( Gerard, Landry-Meyer, & Roe, 2006 ), suggesting that future policy could help mitigate the stress of grandparent parenting and enhance the rewarding aspects of grandparenting instead.

Substantial evidence suggests that the experience of intergenerational relationships varies for men and women. Women tend to be more involved with and affected by intergenerational relationships, with adult children feeling closer to mothers than fathers ( Swartz, 2009 ). Moreover, relationship quality with children is more strongly associated with mothers’ well-being than with fathers’ well-being ( Milkie et al., 2008 ). Motherhood may be particularly salient to women ( McQuillan, Greil, Shreffler, & Tichenor, 2008 ), and women carry a disproportionate share of the burden of parenting, including greater caregiving for young children and aging parents as well as time deficits from these obligations that lead to lower well-being ( Nomaguchi et al., 2005 ; Pinquart & Sorensen, 2006 ). Mothers often report greater parental pressures than fathers, such as more obligation to be there for their children ( Reczek, Thomeer, et al., 2014 ; Stone, 2007 ), and to actively work on family relationships ( Erickson, 2005 ). Mothers are also more likely to blame themselves for poor parent–child relationship quality ( Elliott, Powell, & Brenton, 2015 ), contributing to greater distress for women. It is important to take into account the different pressures and meanings surrounding intergenerational relationships for men and for women in future research.

Family scholars have noted important variations in family dynamics and constraints by race-ethnicity and socioeconomic status. Lower SES can produce and exacerbate family strains ( Conger, Conger, & Martin, 2010 ). Socioeconomically disadvantaged adult children may need more assistance from parents and grandparents who in turn have fewer resources to provide ( Seltzer & Bianchi, 2013 ). Higher SES and white families tend to provide more financial and emotional support, whereas lower SES, black, and Latino families are more likely to coreside and provide practical help, and these differences in support exchanges contribute to the intergenerational transmission of inequality through families ( Swartz, 2009 ). Moreover, scholars have found that a happiness penalty exists such that parents of young children have lower levels of well-being than nonparents; however, policies such as childcare subsidies and paid time off that help parents negotiate work and family responsibilities explain this disparity ( Glass, Simon, & Andersson, 2016 ). Fewer resources can also place strain on grandparent–grandchild relationships. For example, well-being derived from these relationships may be unequally distributed across grandparents’ education level such that those with less education bear the brunt of more stressful grandparenting experiences and lower well-being ( Mahne & Huxhold, 2015 ). Both the burden of parenting grandchildren and its effects on depressive symptoms disproportionately fall upon single grandmothers of color ( Blustein et al., 2004 ). These studies demonstrate the importance of understanding structural constraints that produce greater stress for less advantaged groups and their impact on family relationships and well-being.

Research on intergenerational relationships suggests the importance of understanding greater complexity in these relationships in future work. For example, future research should pay greater attention to diverse family structures and perspectives of multiple family members. There is an increasing trend of individuals delaying childbearing or choosing not to bear children ( Umberson, Pudrovska, et al., 2010 ). How might this influence marital quality and general well-being over the life course and across different social groups? Greater attention to the quality and context of intergenerational relationships from each family member’s perspective over time may prove fruitful by gaining both parents’ and each child’s perceptions. This work has already yielded important insights, such as the ways in which intergenerational ambivalence (simultaneous positive and negative feelings about intergenerational relationships) from the perspectives of parents and adult children may be detrimental to well-being for both parties ( Fingerman, Pitzer, Lefkowitz, Birditt, & Mroczek, 2008 ; Gilligan, Suitor, Feld, & Pillemer, 2015 ). Future work understanding the perspectives of each family member could also provide leverage in understanding the mixed findings regarding whether living in blended families with stepchildren influences well-being ( Gennetian, 2005 ; Harcourt, Adler-Baeder, Erath, & Pettit, 2013 ) and the long-term implications of these family structures when older adults need care ( Seltzer & Bianchi, 2013 ). Longitudinal data linking generations, paying greater attention to the context of these relationships, and collected from multiple family members can help untangle the ways in which family members influence each other across the life course and how multiple family members’ well-being may be intertwined in important ways.

Future studies should also consider the impact of intersecting structural locations that place unique constraints on family relationships, producing greater stress at some intersections while providing greater resources at other intersections. For example, same-sex couples are less likely to have children ( Carpenter & Gates, 2008 ) and are more likely to provide parental caregiving regardless of gender ( Reczek & Umberson, 2016 ), suggesting important implications for stress and burden in intergenerational caregiving for this group. Much of the work on gender, sexuality, race, and socioeconomic status differences in intergenerational relationships and well-being examine one or two of these statuses, but there may be unique effects at the intersection of these and other statuses such as disability, age, and nativity. Moreover, these effects may vary at different stages of the life course.

Sibling Relationships

Sibling relationships are understudied, and the research on adult siblings is more limited than for other family relationships. Yet, sibling relationships are often the longest lasting family relationship in an individual’s life due to concurrent life spans, and indeed, around 75% of 70-year olds have a living sibling ( Settersten, 2007 ). Some suggest that sibling relationships play a more meaningful role in well-being than is often recognized ( Cicirelli, 2004 ). The available evidence suggests that high quality relationships characterized by closeness with siblings are related to higher levels of well-being ( Bedford & Avioli, 2001 ), whereas sibling relationships characterized by conflict and lack of closeness have been linked to lower well-being in terms of major depression and greater drug use in adulthood ( Waldinger, Vaillant, & Orav, 2007 ). Parental favoritism and disfavoritism of children affects the closeness of siblings ( Gilligan, Suitor, & Nam, 2015 ) and depression ( Jensen, Whiteman, Fingerman, & Birditt, 2013 ). Similar to other family relationships, sibling relationships can be characterized by both positive and negative aspects that may affect elements of the stress process, providing both resources and stressors that influence well-being.

Siblings play important roles in support exchanges and caregiving, especially if their sibling experiences physical impairment and other close ties, such as a spouse or adult children, are not available ( Degeneffe & Burcham, 2008 ; Namkung, Greenberg, & Mailick, 2017 ). Although sibling caregivers report lower well-being than noncaregivers, sibling caregivers experience this lower well-being to a lesser extent than spousal caregivers ( Namkung et al., 2017 ). Most people believe that their siblings would be available to help them in a crisis ( Connidis, 1994 ; Van Volkom, 2006 ), and in general support exchanges, receiving emotional support from a sibling is related to higher levels of well-being among older adults ( Thomas, 2010 ). Relationship quality affects the experience of caregiving, with higher quality sibling relationships linked to greater provision of care ( Eriksen & Gerstel, 2002 ) and a lower likelihood of emotional strain from caregiving ( Mui & Morrow-Howell, 1993 ; Quinn, Clare, & Woods, 2009 ). Taken together, these studies suggest the importance of sibling relationships for well-being across the adult life course.

The gender of the sibling dyad may play a role in the relationship’s effect on well-being, with relationships with sisters perceived as higher quality and linked to higher well-being ( Van Volkom, 2006 ), though some argue that brothers do not show their affection in the same way but nevertheless have similar sentiments towards their siblings ( Bedford & Avioli, 2001 ). General social support exchanges with siblings may be influenced by gender and larger family context; sisters exchanged more support with their siblings when they had higher quality relationships with their parents, but brothers exhibited a more compensatory role, exchanging more emotional support with siblings when they had lower quality relationships with their parents ( Voorpostel & Blieszner, 2008 ). Caregiving for aging parents is also distributed differently by gender, falling disproportionately on female siblings ( Pinquart & Sorensen, 2006 ), and sons provide less care to their parents if they have a sister ( Grigoryeva, 2017 ). However, men in same-sex marriages were more likely than men in different-sex marriages to provide caregiving to parents and parents-in-law ( Reczek & Umberson, 2016 ), which may ease the stress and burden on their female siblings.

Although there is less research in this area, family scholars have noted variations in sibling relationships and their effects by race-ethnicity and socioeconomic status. Lower socioeconomic status has been associated with reports of feeling less attached to siblings and this influences several outcomes such as obesity, depression, and substance use ( Van Gundy et al., 2015 ). Fewer socioeconomic resources can also limit the amount of care siblings provide ( Eriksen & Gerstel, 2002 ). These studies suggest sibling relationship quality as an axis of further disadvantage for already disadvantaged individuals. Sibling relationships may influence caregiving experiences by race as well, with black caregivers more likely to have siblings who also provide care to their parents than white caregivers ( White-Means & Rubin, 2008 ) and sibling caregiving leading to lower well-being among white caregivers than minority caregivers ( Namkung et al., 2017 ).

Research on within-family differences has made great strides in our understanding of family relationships and remains a fruitful area of growth for future research (e.g., Suitor et al., 2017 ). Data gathered on multiple members within the same family can help researchers better investigate how families influence well-being in complex ways, including reciprocal influences between siblings. Siblings may have different perceptions of their relationships with each other, and this may vary by gender and other social statuses. This type of data might be especially useful in understanding family effects in diverse family structures, such as differences in treatment and outcomes of biological versus stepchildren, how characteristics of their relationships such as age differences may play a role, and the implications for caregiving for aging parents and for each other. Moreover, it is important to use longitudinal data to understand the consequences of these within-family differences over time as the life course unfolds. In addition, a greater focus on heterogeneity in sibling relationships and their consequences at the intersection of gender, race-ethnicity, SES, and other social statuses merit further investigation.

Relationships with family members are significant for well-being across the life course ( Merz, Consedine, et al., 2009 ; Umberson, Pudrovska, et al., 2010 ). As individuals age, family relationships often become more complex, with sometimes complicated marital histories, varying relationships with children, competing time pressures, and obligations for care. At the same time, family relationships become more important for well-being as individuals age and social networks diminish even as family caregiving needs increase. Stress process theory suggests that the positive and negative aspects of relationships can have a large impact on the well-being of individuals. Family relationships provide resources that can help an individual cope with stress, engage in healthier behaviors, and enhance self-esteem, leading to higher well-being. However, poor relationship quality, intense caregiving for family members, and marital dissolution are all stressors that can take a toll on an individual’s well-being. Moreover, family relationships also change over the life course, with the potential to share different levels of emotional support and closeness, to take care of us when needed, to add varying levels of stress to our lives, and to need caregiving at different points in the life course. The potential risks and rewards of these relationships have a cumulative impact on health and well-being over the life course. Additionally, structural constraints and disadvantage place greater pressures on some families than others based on structural location such as gender, race, and SES, producing further disadvantage and intergenerational transmission of inequality.

Future research should take into account greater complexity in family relationships, diverse family structures, and intersections of social statuses. The rapid aging of the U.S. population along with significant changes in marriage and families suggest more complex marital and family histories as adults enter late life, which will have a large impact on family dynamics and caregiving. Growing segments of family relationships among older adults include same-sex couples, those without children, and those experiencing marital transitions leading to diverse family structures, which all merit greater attention in future research. Moreover, there is some evidence that strain in relationships can be beneficial for certain health outcomes, and the processes by which this occurs merit further investigation. A greater use of longitudinal data that link generations and obtain information from multiple family members will help researchers better understand the ways in which these complex family relationships unfold across the life course and shape well-being. We also highlighted gender, race-ethnicity, and socioeconomic status differences in each of these family relationships and their impact on well-being; however, many studies only consider one status at a time. Future research should consider the impact of intersecting structural locations that place unique constraints on family relationships, producing greater stress or providing greater resources at the intersections of different statuses.

The changing landscape of families combined with population aging present unique challenges and pressures for families and health care systems. With more experiences of age-related disease in a growing population of older adults as well as more complex family histories as these adults enter late life, such as a growing proportion of diverse family structures without children or with stepchildren, caregiving obligations and availability may be less clear. It is important to address ways to ease caregiving or shift the burden away from families through a variety of policies, such as greater resources for in-home aid, creation of older adult residential communities that facilitate social interactions and social support structures, and patient advocates to help older adults navigate health care systems. Adults in midlife may experience competing family pressures from their young children and aging parents, and policies such as childcare subsidies and paid leave to care for family members could reduce burden during this often stressful time ( Glass et al., 2016 ). Professional help and community services can also reduce the burden for grandparents involved in childcare, enabling grandparents to focus on the more positive aspects of grandparent–grandchild relationships. It is important for future research and health promotion policies to take into account the contexts and complexities of family relationships as part of a multipronged approach to benefit health and well-being, especially as a growing proportion of older adults reach late life.

This work was supported in part by grant, 5 R24 HD042849, Population Research Center, awarded to the Population Research Center at The University of Texas at Austin by the Eunice Kennedy Shriver National Institute of Child Health and Human Development.

Conflict of Interest

None reported.

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Children and the Child Welfare System: Problems, Interventions, and Lessons from Around the World

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• Published: 30 January 2021
• Volume 38 , pages 127–130, ( 2021 )

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• Jarosław Przeperski   ORCID: orcid.org/0000-0002-5362-4170 1 &
• Samuel A. Owusu 1  

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Securing the welfare of children and the family is an integral part of social work. Modern society has experienced enormous changes that present both opportunities and challenges to the practice of social work to protect the welfare of children. It is thus essential that we understand the experiences of social work practitioners in different parts of the world in order to adapt practice to the changing times. To help achieve this, we present a collection of papers from around the world that presents findings on various aspects of social work research and practice involving children and the potential for improved service delivery.

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The protection of children’s welfare in many parts of the world involve different institutions and professionals ranging from social workers to the police, courts, schools, health centers, among others. In the course of their duties, some form of collaboration to varying degrees occur between these institutions and professionals in order to secure the welfare of children (Lalayants, 2008 ).

The child welfare system and social work particularly, has been observed to have undergone complex changes from its inception till now (Bamford, 2015 ; McNutt, 2013 ; Mendes, 2005 ; Stuart, 2013 ). Historically, the family and the local community were in many societies, solely responsible for a child’s well-being. When in crisis, the family including the wider extended family, was primarily responsible for supporting the child and solving their problems.

In response to wider changes in contemporary society, the child welfare system has increased the involvement of aid institutions protecting the welfare of children while reducing the role of the family. The family as a unit has also undergone changes, from the involvement of a broader network of relatives and the local community to the dominance of the nuclear family. Family ties have been weakened in many societies and the way the family unit functions has changed. Many children experience problems that often exceed the capacity of help available to these nuclear families. This has made it necessary to involve professional institutions (education, health, etc.) to aid in other areas outside of their core mandates to ensure children are secure, healthy, fed, and entertained and also to help families regain their own strength.

Although certain challenges to child welfare have persisted over time, children in contemporary times face some threats to their welfare unique to the times. Advancement in technology on one hand presents novel problems such as internet-use addictions and extensive means of child exploitation whiles on the other hand, these advancements in technology also provide opportunities to reach more clients effectively, gather data for analysis, and monitor and assess the performance of workers as well as the effectiveness of services. Modern ICT tools (such as online platforms and mobile applications) provide more flexibility in engagement between social workers and clients and the frequency of such meetings or engagements. However, an uncritical over-reliance on these tools presents other problems. Some social workers may be prone to avoid difficult situations involving uncooperative or violent families (Cooper, 2005 ) and an over-reliance on online meetings may worsened such cases, leaving vulnerable children unprotected.

All around the world, differences exist in the degree of exposure and the severity of problems facing children based on their age group (infants, toddlers, teens, and, youth), gender, geography, economic background, and culture. For instance, among the genders, differences exist in the probability of falling victim to child sexual abuse (Wellman, 1993 ) and the consequences of such victimization (Asscher, Van der Put, & Stams, 2015 ). Children from poor families are more at risk of being involved with the welfare system in certain countries (Fong, 2017 ) while poor and developing countries lack some resources needed to support children and families compared to more developed and richer countries. In addition, cultural attitudes towards parenting in different parts of the world may exacerbate the problems of child neglect, corporal punishment, and other forms of abuse.

To ensure that social workers are better equipped to deal with the daunting task of protecting the welfare of children, reforms have been proposed which are aimed at improving on the knowledge and skills of social workers, instituting standards of practice based on data, striving for continuous excellence in organizations (Cahalane, 2013 ) among others. The social work interventions aimed at improving the welfare of children of any given society can be affected by political, cultural, and socio-economic factors and this needs to be understood and addressed during the design, implementation, and assessment stages of interventions. Reisch and Jani ( 2012 ) describe how politics affect the development of social programs at the macro and micro levels, workplace decision-making processes, and resource allocation for agencies and clients.

With the aim of understanding the various challenges facing social work and the child welfare system around the world and the existing opportunities to address them, several papers on varying topics related to child welfare have been collated into this special issue. The contributors come from Asia, Africa, North America, and Europe and present the results of research into different areas affecting child welfare, child welfare workers and institutions, and interventions. Many lessons can be learnt from understanding the problems facing children and their families from around the world, the services and interventions instituted to combat such problems, the state of mind of children and their relationships with others, and the potentials of modern tools to improve service delivery in the child welfare sector.

In the special issue, Filippelli, Fallon, Lwin and Gantous ( 2021 ) present the paper, “Infants and Toddlers Investigated by The Child Welfare System: Exploring the Decision to Provide Ongoing Child Welfare Services”. Following the concerns of limited research into decision-making process of young children involved in the welfare system, the authors aimed to contribute to the literature on cases of maltreatment of young children and decisions to address them. The authors sought to answer the questions of the character of investigations of alleged child maltreatment, what factors influence decisions to recommend welfare service provision, and what differences may exist between cases involving infants and toddlers. After reviewing data on investigations into suspected cases of child maltreatment in Canada, it was determined that assessment by welfare workers and the mental health of caregivers are important indicators of decisions to transfer cases for further services. For cases involving infants, results indicate caregiver characteristics and household income are unique factors influencing decision-making while in toddler-involved cases, the toddler and the caregiver characteristics are factors that affect decisions.

Van Dam, Heijmans, and Stams ( 2021 ) aimed to determine the long-term effect of the intervention program, Youth Initiated Mentoring (YIM) organized in the Netherlands. They sought to find out how the mentors and the youth mentees were doing several months or years after the program and their impression of the whole program. In the paper “Youth Initiated Mentoring in Social Work: Sustainable Solution for Youth with Complex Needs?”, they show some findings on the present situation of mentees, the quality and trajectory of mentor–mentee relationships, and the level of support from social workers. Results indicate a sustained relationship between majority of the mentors and mentees and a reduction in the likelihood of out-of-home placement among other long-term benefits. The authors offer some recommendations for future research into Youth Initiated Mentoring.

Mackrill and Svendsen ( 2021 ) in the paper, “Implementing Routine Outcome Monitoring in Statutory Children’s Services” highlights the outcome of a 2-year long study on the effect of implementing a feedback-informed approach to family service provision in Denmark. In the study, they sought to understand how the feedback informed approach assisted in protecting children and families and what gaps exist in the service delivery chain. This involved analyzing by means of a constructivist grounded theory approach, anonymized data derived from field notes and interviews of various stakeholders. They report that the feedback-oriented approach helped service workers to follow legal directives especially in areas of assessment, care planning and follow-up, as well as in their approach to interviewing children. On the other hand, they assert that this approach to service delivery fails to emphasize attention to risk especially within families and the rights of clients to legal advice and recourse, among other issues. They offer some recommendations to address some of the identified challenges.

In order to understand the perceptions of the youth about older people with regards to healthcare and social help so that resources to address any existing negative stereotypes can be identified, Kanios ( 2021 ) surveyed 1084 school-going young people in Poland. Findings of this survey are presented in the paper titled “Beliefs of Secondary School Youth and Higher Education Students About Elderly Persons: A Comparative Survey”. Results show varied beliefs about older people regarding healthcare and social help among Secondary School Youth and Higher Education Students. Most of the respondents from both groups held no stereotypical views of older people. Students in higher education especially were found to maintain a more mature outlook on older people. Kanios concludes the paper with some recommendations of educational interest to combat existing negative stereotypes of older people.

Frimpong-Manso ( 2021 ) aimed to understand the views of social workers in Ghana on the benefits of intervention programs that strengthen families and to identify any existing barriers to their successful implementation in his paper, “Family Support Services in The Context of Child Care Reform: Perspectives of Ghanaian Social Workers”. Qualitative data derived from interviews with social workers point to some benefits of the existing family support services such as capacity building and wellbeing promotion of the families. Some identified challenges to success include inadequate funding and poor interagency cooperation.

Odrowąż-Coates and Kostrzewska ( 2021 ) from Poland present an analysis of the indicators of successful and fulfilling teenage motherhood in their paper titled “A Retrospective on Teenage Pregnancy in Poland. Focusing on Empowerment and Support Variables to Challenge Stereotyping in the Context of Social Work”. With the aim of showcasing positive cases of teenage motherhood as a means of empowerment and a way to tackle stereotypes in Poland, the authors utilized data from interviews and field practice notes involving teenage mothers and family court curators. Findings from this study show these teenage mothers to be empowered, independent, persevering, and with agency. Resources available through social work interventions and other support systems are also highlighted. The authors emphasize the need to show the positive life experiences of teenage mothers and the social work programs that contribute towards that in order to dispel existing stereotypes.

Abu Bakar Ah et al. ( 2021 ) in their paper, “Material Deprivation Status of Malaysian Children from Low-Income Families” relied on data from a self-reported survey of 360 poor children in Malaysia to determine their level of material deprivation. Results indicate a low level of material deprivation among poor Malaysian children. The authors include some recommendations to improve on the well-being of children in Malaysia.

With the hypothesis that the quality and quantity of placement of children with their kin depend on social workers, managers, and some organizational factors, Rasmussen and Jæger ( 2021 ) present a case study of social workers and their field practices related to kinship care in Denmark. Their paper, “The Emotional and Other Barriers to Kinship Care in Denmark: A case study in two Danish municipalities” contains analysis of the findings of their study. Through a mixed method approach of analyzing documents, interviews, observations, and dialogue meetings, data on placement into kinship care in two municipalities in Denmark were gathered. Among all the cases selected for the study, they reported a reasonable level of satisfaction among all parties involved. However, the authors indicate a hesitation among social workers to enter emotionally-charged familial situations which affects their decisions on kinship placement. The paper also points to the non-involvement of families in a systematic manner in placement decisions as another factor that affects placement decisions.

Grządzielewska ( 2021 ) from Poland, reviews how machine-learning can be applied as a tool to predict burnout among social work employees in the paper, “Using Machine Learning in Burnout Prediction: A Survey”. The ability to analyze and interpret large amount of data makes the tools of machine learning very useful. The paper attempts to compare traditional and newer methods of predictive modeling and discusses how different variables affect the choice of appropriate methodologies. It is discussed in this paper how machine-learning algorithms can be incorporated into a burnout monitoring system to create new models of burnout, identify the potential for burnout among new recruits and existing employees, and design appropriate interventions. The author recommends further attention by social work researchers in the study of burnout.

We acknowledge the contributions of the various authors to making this special issue possible by sharing their perspectives on child welfare service delivery.

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Przeperski, J., Owusu, S.A. Children and the Child Welfare System: Problems, Interventions, and Lessons from Around the World. Child Adolesc Soc Work J 38 , 127–130 (2021). https://doi.org/10.1007/s10560-021-00740-5

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Accepted : 16 January 2021

Published : 30 January 2021

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DOI : https://doi.org/10.1007/s10560-021-00740-5

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Sociology, and the allied field of social policy, were latecomers to British universities. Their modern disciplinary identities were only established in the three decades after the Second World War, replacing the earlier, less methodologically prescriptive traditions of social enquiry that had flourished in Britain in the first half of the twentieth century. This ascent to academic respectability also had a major impact on post-war public life. Technical experts on ‘society’ began to play a more celebrated role in public policy debates and cultural commentary. 2 Close Amid the galaxy of outstanding British social scientists of the 1950s and 1960s, Richard Titmuss (1907-73) has a good claim to be the most influential.

Although eventually a beneficiary of the more technocratic and credentialed world of British higher education after the War, Titmuss had in fact left school without any qualifications at the age of 14 and spent the early years of his career working for an insurance company. But he was also a prodigious autodidact and accompanied his paid work with a growing side-line as a writer on social questions. His burgeoning reputation in this field led him to be commissioned to write the official history of the social services during the Second World War. The resulting book, Problems of Social Policy (1950), was well-received and it was on the strength of this work that he was appointed Professor of Social Administration at the LSE in 1950. From this platform Titmuss laid the foundations of the study of social policy as a separate academic field and produced numerous significant publications on key welfare issues, notably on the distribution of income and on healthcare. Titmuss’s influence extended beyond academia to broader public debates in Britain in the 1950s and 1960s about social inequality. He was close to the Labour Party and was a respected informal advisor to senior Labour politicians. The 1964-70 Labour government drew extensively on policies that he and his associates – particularly Peter Townsend and Brian Abel-Smith – had developed. Essays on ‘the Welfare State’ was published before that, in 1958, and collected together Titmuss’s key articles and lectures from his first eight years at the LSE. It was a work that triumphantly demonstrated the strengths of Titmuss’s approach to the study of social policy, incisively opening up swathes of new intellectual territory into which subsequent generations of experts and policy-makers would pour for decades afterwards.

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When Congress and the president negotiated over welfare reform in 1996, a key element of the debate was whether government aid should continue to be an entitlement, a grant the poor receive solely by virtue of being poor.

[The welfare] program, however unintentionally, must be constructed in such a way that it increases the net value of being in the condition that it seeks to change—either by increasing the rewards or by reducing the penalties.

In this way, the U.S. welfare system actually makes poverty more attractive—perhaps even to those who would otherwise have been motivated to work and support themselves.

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Time to Transform Child Welfare into A Child and Family Well-Being System

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April is National Child Abuse Prevention Month , which then turns to May as Foster Care Month . The time to acknowledge deep disparities in our child welfare system is long overdue. The data is clear that our current response is hurting our children and families, particularly Black, Indigenous and people of color. We cannot and should not let this persist. Our collective goal must be racial justice and well-being for all.

I recently read about five-year-old Deja, who was living with her mother in an apartment in Brooklyn, New York. After putting Deja to bed, her mother took a much-needed bath after a long day of work. Unbeknownst to her, Deja wasn’t able to sleep and woke up to look for her mom. When she couldn’t find her, she set out to find her great-grandmother who lived across the street. A passerby saw Deja on the sidewalk and called Child Protective Services. Her mom was arrested for endangering the welfare of her daughter, and Deja was sent to foster care.

This incident reminded me of something very similar that happened in my own family, but with a very different outcome. In recounting this, I recognize my own privilege as a white mother raising a white son. When my son was two years old, he walked out of our house. We had left a door open to work in our yard. He slipped out, and a neighbor found him a few houses down. I was terrified, ashamed, grateful, and relieved. The story has become family lore in our home, but an experience with no arrest, no child welfare, no police, no public humiliation or shame.

Sadly, Deja’s story isn’t an aberration. Families of color are significantly more likely to encounter systemic and structural barriers and be reported to child abuse hotlines and investigated for abuse and neglect than white families. And children of color are more likely to be separated from their parents and placed in foster care. In California alone, Black children are nearly three times more likely to be reported than white children, and four times more likely to enter foster care. These numbers perpetuate for lifetimes. The American Journal of Public Health recently reported that approximately half of all Black and Native American children in California experienced a child welfare investigation at some point during the first 18 years of their lives, compared to nearly a quarter of white children.

COVID-19 has only worsened economic inequality, health disparities, and stressors experienced by families of color. We need to start bridging these gaps by first acknowledging that parenting—and particularly parenting in a pandemic—is tough. We cannot afford to stigmatize families who are trying to get by. When shelter-in-place orders were first mandated throughout the country, many children were truly on the verge of hunger. Many families became homeless because they didn’t have any income. Families couldn’t even get basic supplies from food banks. No toilet paper, no diapers, no baby formula.

Despite these moments of despair, pain, raw and just anger, there have been bright spots of hope and action. Safe & Sound is part of an effective network of family resource centers – more than 3,000 across the country — that provide community-based prevention programs to strengthen families and enhance child development. At the beginning of the pandemic, Safe & Sound converted its building into a warehouse and distributed nearly two tons of baby formula, over 115,000 diapers; over half-a-million wipes; as well as masks, gloves, and other PPE. We’re currently providing warm meals and groceries every week. In addition to providing supplies and basic concrete needs, we’re helping families with relief from evictions—with rent subsidies and housing supports. Requests from families for funds to prevent evictions are 2,000 percent higher than pre-pandemic levels. And our 24/7 parental stress line (415-441-KIDS) has been a lifeline for so many families. We’ve created virtual and socially distant connections for families to ease isolation and nurture resilience including virtual family playgroups, education classes, telehealth, online clinical support, therapy, and other wellness services.

With COVID-19 cases persisting and the expectation of greater economic challenges ahead, we must do more. Now is the time for communities to come together to strengthen families. We cannot sit on the sidelines — helping families and children cope means meeting both big and small needs in the moment.

And just as we cannot let up on our vigilance to fight COVID-19, we cannot let up when it comes to transforming the child welfare system from one that investigates and removes children from their families after they’ve been hurt, to a well-being system that supports and helps children and families thrive from the start. When we transform systems, build community, and strengthen families, we protect children.

• Thriving Families, Safer Children: A National Commitment to Well-Being   — the Annie E. Casey Foundation, Casey Family Programs, Prevent Child Abuse America, and the Children’s Bureau are working across the public, private and philanthropic sectors to assist jurisdictions in developing more just and equitable systems that benefit all children and families and break harmful intergenerational cycles of trauma and poverty.
• On March 31, 2021 – President Biden issued a  proclamation  describing the Administration’s commitment to prevent child abuse.
• Aligning Systems: Aspen Early Childhood Development and Health Forums, 2017–2020 ; The brief provides an overview of lessons learned and new innovations to inform and support a comprehensive early childhood system and advance federal efforts to align early childhood and health systems in order to strengthen family outcomes across agencies.

Katie Albright is an Aspen Institute Ascend Fellow, president and CEO of Safe & Sound, and co-chair of Ascend’s  Two-Generation Prenatal to Three Learning and Action Community .

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Family Welfare and Divorce Policies Essay

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Comparison of well-to-do and financially deprived families

Marriage culture and divorce policies.

Wealth distribution affects the relationships between family members, as well as their interactions with other members of the society (Cohen 117). A family of one of my school friend can be classified as the middle class one, perhaps, being in the upper percentile of the specified group (Cohen 124). The family has two children, including my friend and his older sister. The parents work as a lawyer in a private company and a chief financial officer in a large organization. Their children went to a public school to enroll in a college afterward, and they own a house and two cars.

Compared to the family described above, the one to which another friend of mine belongs is on the other side of the wealth distribution scale. The specified family can be regarded as the lower class one (Cohen 125). There are three children in the family, including my friend, his younger brother, and his elder sister. College is not an option for either of them due to the inability to take a student loan. The family rents a flat in a socially and economically unstable neighborhood.

The parenting practices are also quite different in each case. The single mother in the low-class family cares for her children, yet she has to work two jobs to support them and thus does not have much time to spend with them. Although the parents from the first family are also very busy, the children receive enough attention and have regular family time in the evening. As a result, the levels of concerted cultivation are much higher in the first family.

The social capital is also different in both cases, each family communicating primarily with the people of their class (Cohen 137). Therefore, while the children from both families have enough potential in terms of their skill sets, the life chances of the middle-class family are much higher than the ones of the children from the low-class family. The phenomenon described above corresponds directly to the expectations that the textbook discussion has set.

The persistent nature of disposability as it pertains to the modern society might seem as entirely negative, yet there are nuances to the specified discussion. On the one hand, the threat of relationships and marriage being viewed as something insignificant due to loose divorce policies may become rather high. On the other hand, by making divorce policies more rigid, one may create the environment in which the levels of well-being will drop, and the rates of family violence will increase (Cohen 12). Particularly, people may feel desperate and even depressed after realizing that they made a choice that cannot be reversed and will affect them until the end of their life, hence the increased aggression.

It seems that the general problem of the specified discussion stems from the poor cause-and-effect connection between the factors under analysis. Current policies allow people to get married and divorce easier than the previous regulations did, yet these regulations do not force people to separate. The choice to separate hinges on the relationships within a family, economic issues, financial concerns, and a range of other factors that affect people’s relationships (Cohen 26). Making divorce harder to obtain will not absolve people from making mistakes when choosing to get married; instead, it will only make their life miserable if their marriage turns out to be unsustainable.

Making it harder to get married will not resolve the problem since it will fail to shift the focus to what is important – a careful analysis of essential issues that a married couple will have to confront at some point. Therefore, it is recommended to scrutinize the social and cultural factors that affect people’s marriage-related choices. As a result, a married couple will avoid a range of unexpected problems that will affect their relationships and may ultimately destroy their marriage. The specified change can occur once government- or community-sponsored marriage courses are provided for couples to educate themselves and learn to handle social, economic, and emotional issues together (Cohen 13). Thus, a positive outcome can be expected.

Cohen, Philip N. The Family Diversity, Inequality, and Social Change . 2nd ed., Norton, 2018.

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IvyPanda. (2021, January 7). Family Welfare and Divorce Policies. https://ivypanda.com/essays/family-welfare-and-divorce-policies/

"Family Welfare and Divorce Policies." IvyPanda , 7 Jan. 2021, ivypanda.com/essays/family-welfare-and-divorce-policies/.

IvyPanda . (2021) 'Family Welfare and Divorce Policies'. 7 January.

IvyPanda . 2021. "Family Welfare and Divorce Policies." January 7, 2021. https://ivypanda.com/essays/family-welfare-and-divorce-policies/.

1. IvyPanda . "Family Welfare and Divorce Policies." January 7, 2021. https://ivypanda.com/essays/family-welfare-and-divorce-policies/.

Bibliography

IvyPanda . "Family Welfare and Divorce Policies." January 7, 2021. https://ivypanda.com/essays/family-welfare-and-divorce-policies/.

QUB LAW SOCIETY'S EIGHTEENTH EDITION

V  E  R  D  I  C T

• Oct 19, 2020
• 11 min read

Family Law 3113 Coursework Essay (Awarded an 80)

Updated: Nov 3, 2020

Submitted by: Thomas Brangam

‘Is the welfare principle in need of urgent reform?’

Introduction

The welfare principle, or the principle of paramountcy, has been described as the ‘golden thread’ [1] running through court decision-making in child welfare cases. The Children Act 1989 (CA) [2] codified this principle, which establishes that the child’s welfare is the ‘paramount consideration’ [3] for a court when deciding upon any matter relating to that child’s upbringing, or the administration of their property.

However, it may be contended that the welfare principle is in need of reform, as the principle’s vagueness arguably leads to inconsistencies in its application by the courts. Equally, it may be maintained that the welfare principle negates the rights of parents under the Human Rights Act 1998, [4] by placing the welfare of the child above all else.

Yet, whilst some reform may be beneficial, it is not convincing to argue that reform is an ‘urgent’ necessity. Specifically, the flexibility of the welfare principle is necessary in accommodating fair judgments on a case to case basis, and the principle itself is not necessarily incompatible with the rights of parents. Therefore, these issues will be addressed sequentially, and following this, the matter of reform will be examined.

The Welfare Principle’s Flexibility

Lord MacDermott stated in J v C [5] that the paramountcy principle entails a process in which after the relevant facts, wishes and circumstances are considered, the resulting judgment will be ‘most in the interests of the child’s welfare.’ [6] However, there is difficulty in consistently determining what is within a ‘child’s welfare,’ and subsequently in deciding what weight to attach to certain factors when doing so. For example, there is no definitive authority which clarifies if the ‘physical, emotional and educational needs’ [7] of a child should be afforded greater consideration than ‘the wishes and feelings of the child concerned.’ [8]

Moreover, there is no guideline concerning when a court should regard particular elements of a case when making a section 8 order. [9] Davis and Pearce illustrate this point, by giving the example of an unreported case in which the judge arbitrarily held that a child of seven was too young for her wishes to be taken into account. [10] However, it should be noted that a child’s wishes and concerns are considered in ‘light of his age and understanding.’ [11] Hence, it may have been the case that the court could not conclusively discover the feelings of the child due to their immaturity.

Yet, Eekelaar contends that the welfare principle allows for judgments to be driven by ‘untested assumptions about what is good for children.’ [12] For example, Neill LJ in Re M (Child’s Upbringing) [13] held that a child should be returned to South Africa to his biological parents, who had been forced to give him up due to South Africa’s political instability in the 1990s. This decision was made irrespective of the fact that removal from his English foster mother would be traumatic. Thus, as Eekelaar suggests, the court’s judgment may have been based solely on ‘sympathy with the plight of the natural parents.’ [14]

However, this criticism holds little merit, as it is founded on speculation. In other words, just as it cannot be definitively evidenced that judges remain completely impartial in child welfare cases, it follows that it also cannot be evidenced that judges allow their prejudices to influence their decisions. Thus, this criticism is limited by the lack of empirical evidence supporting it.

Nevertheless, Mnookin argues that the imprecision of the welfare principle leads to delayed proceedings and increased costs. [15] Indeed, if a court is to make a ‘justified’ decision as to what parent a child should live with, the possible outcomes for the child must be considered, as well as the probability of those outcomes. However, this assertion is limited in value, as it is often clear as to the decisive factor behind a court’s decision. Parker supports this notion by giving the example that in cases where one parent has harmed the child, or the other parent, then it is evident that the child should reside with the non-offending parent. [16]

Moreover, the flexibility of the welfare principle allows the courts to reach fair and justified decisions in cases which by nature, are fact sensitive. For example, in Re C (A Child), [17] the Court dismissed a mother’s application for a prohibited steps order with sought to prevent the Christian baptism of her ten-year-old child whilst in the father’s custody. Yet, because the child wished to be baptized, HHJ Platt reasoned that the child’s welfare was best served ‘by allowing her to be enrolled in a baptism class and to present herself for baptism.’ [18]

Accordingly, Bevan observes that given the limited authority available to the Court on prohibited steps orders, the flexibility of the welfare principle accommodated a judgment that was ‘respectful and sensitive.’ [19] Hence, whilst the welfare principle may be criticised as vague by academics, this very flexibility is required in practical application. As Herring also notes, this flexibility does not necessarily produce uncertainty, as the welfare principle is ‘one of the most accurately understood legal principles among the general public.’ [20]

The Rights of Parents

The rationale of the paramountcy principle is perhaps best justified by the doctrine of ‘parens patriae,’ [21] which calls for the state to protect vulnerable members of society who cannot protect themselves. However, in Re P (Contact: Supervision), [22] the Court held that it was concerned ‘with the interests of the mother and the father only in so far as they bear on the welfare of the child.’ [23]

Therefore, it may be argued that the welfare principle compels reform, as it is too ‘individualistic’ [24] in its consideration of the rights of the child. Thus, as Choudhry and Fenwick observe regarding the rights of parents, ‘In many cases, Article 8 remains the dog that fails to bark.’ [25]

However, the individuality of the welfare principle does not mean that the rights of parents are not protected in any sense. Indeed, the welfare principle does not infringe upon parents’ rights on a ‘day-to-day’ [26] basis, and only applies where a court is deciding upon a matter relating to the child’s welfare. Moreover, a court may only grant a care or supervision order, if the child is likely to suffer, or is suffering significant harm. [27]

Furthermore, it cannot credibly be maintained that the rights of parents are not given any consideration in child welfare cases. For example, in Re T (Wardship: Medical Treatment) , [28] Butler-Sloss LJ held that where an infant required a potentially lifesaving liver transplant, that ‘The welfare of the child depends upon his mother.’ [29] Hence, because the mother did not consent, the procedure could not be forced.

Yet, it may also be said that this judgment illustrates the potential danger of placing the rights of parents in too privileged of a position in child welfare cases. Indeed, in a case where medical opinion was that the operation was in the child’s best interests, it would appear strange as to why such importance was given to the mother’s wishes. Specifically, it appears unfair that the qualified article 8 [30] rights of the parents overruled the child’s absolute right to life. [31] However, it should be noted that the parents were healthcare professionals, and thus were informed as to the complications that the procedure may have. Roch LJ also noted that ‘distress and uncertainties’ would certainly entail if the procedure was ordered. [32]

Nevertheless, the paramountcy principle is not unjustified in placing the rights of children above all else. Principally, this is because by virtue of being young and vulnerable, children should be afforded rights above those that they may have if they were mature and capable adults. This argument is supported by Mason and Steadman’s observation, that children remain a ‘muted group, denied participation in major political and legal systems.’ [33]

Therefore, it does not seem overly persuasive to state that ‘urgent’ reform is required. Instead, as has been illustrated, the rights of parents are not always infringed in practice by the paramountcy principle. Equally, the wishes of parents may be granted noteworthy significance in cases which merit such considerations.

Potential Reform

Firstly, Reece claims that the welfare principle should be discarded entirely, and replaced with an agenda that recognises the child as a ‘single participant in a process in which the interests of all the participants count.’ [34] However, this proposal is not entirely reasonable, as Reece fails to consider that the participation of the child in judicial proceedings is subject to that child’s ‘intelligence and understanding.’ [35]

Put differently, a model which places a child’s rights, regardless of their age, on a level equivalent to the rights afforded to mature adults, is one which does not give adequate consideration to the vulnerability of children. Thus, Reece’s reform is inadequate, as it does not reflect the fact that international human rights law and family law recognises children as, ‘among the most vulnerable members of society.’ [36]

Yet, Bainham suggests that the welfare principle should be reformed to classify the interests of parents and children as ‘primary or secondary.’ [37] Therefore, the ‘level’ of a parties’ interest would be accounted for in the balancing of rights. This proposed reform bears resemblance to the approach outlined by the UN Convention on the Rights of the Child, [38] which classifies the interests of the child as a ‘primary consideration’ [39] as opposed to being paramount.

However, this model is also inappropriate, as Bainham does not elaborate as to what would occur when two primary interests conflict. Moreover, if Bainham aims to remedy the vagueness and alleged uncertainty of the welfare principle through this reform, he may contradict himself by requiring courts to subjectively categorise interests as primary or secondary.

Nevertheless, a more convincing model of reform is Herring’s ‘relationship-based welfare.’ [40] This model would entail greater consideration of the interests of parents, whilst not necessarily compromising the rights of children. Specifically, as families are based on mutual co-operation, this would mean that children would not be entitled to require substantial sacrifice from parents in exchange for small benefits.

Moreover, the implementation of this approach may prove beneficial, as it allows the balancing of rights to be viewed as less of a conflict, and more as a mechanism in deciding what the proper relationship is to be imposed by a court. This reform would also allow the courts to give greater effect to the theory that, where possible, children should be raised and cared for within their own families. Indeed, this seems appropriate, as the Government has recently implemented new plans which aim to reduce the number of children taken into care. [41]

However, it may be argued that this approach would cause little difference in practice. This is due to the fact that the rights of the child would still be paramount, and the courts would enjoy discretion as to when the child would not be entitled to compromise the rights of the parents for ‘minor benefits.’ [42] Yet, such reform would seem justified as a matter of principle.

Particularly, it is evident that respect must be given to the rights of parents, and thus this approach may further facilitate this in practice. Moreover, this reform may also give effect to Elster’s credible proposal, that whilst the welfare of children should be privileged, the enforcement of a child’s welfare should avoid doing excessive harm to others. [43]

In conclusion, the flexibility of the welfare principle is a necessity, due simply to the sensitive and factually varied nature of child welfare cases. Indeed, it would not seem that this flexibility leads to inconsistencies in application of the welfare principle by the courts, but instead allows for judgments that are fair and justified.

Equally, the welfare principle does not ‘negate’ the rights of parents by assigning the welfare of the child as paramount. Instead, it would be more convincing to argue that the welfare principle does not give effect to the interests of parents to the degree that it perhaps should.

Therefore, whilst urgent reform of the welfare principle is unnecessary, the implementation of a relationship based approach would appear most appropriate. Whether this approach would lead to any difference in case outcome is questionable. However, the implementation of Herring’s suggested model would at least further ensure that the rights and interests of parents are given some reflection in future child welfare cases.

Bibliography

Gilmore S, Glennon L, Hayes And Williams’ Family Law (6th edn, Oxford University Press 2018).

William Macpherson, A Treatise On The Law Relating To Infants (Philadelphia, John S Littell 1843).

Gillick v West Norfolk and Wisbech Area Health Authority and Another [1986] AC 112.

J v C [1970] AC 668.

Re C (A Child) [2012] EW Misc 15 (CC).

Re M (Child's Upbringing) [1996] 2 FLR 441.

Re P (Contact: Supervision) [1996] 2 FLR 314.

Re T (Wardship: Medical Treatment) [1997] 1 FLR 502.

Journal Articles

Bainham A, ‘Non-Intervention and Judicial Paternalism’, in P. Birks (ed), The Frontiers of Liability (Oxford University Press, 1994).

Bevan C, ‘Is Welfare Faring Well? In Praise Of The Welfare Principle: A Case Study From Romford’ (2012) 42 Family Law.

Choudhry S, Fenwick H, ‘Taking the rights of parents and children seriously: confronting the welfare principle under the Human Rights Act’ (2005) 25 Oxford Journal of Legal Studies.

Davis G, Pearce J, ‘The Welfare Principle In Action’ (1999) 29 Family Law.

Eekelaar J, ‘Beyond The Welfare Principle’ (2002) 14 Child and Family Law Quarterly.

Elster J, ‘Solomonic Judgments: Against the Best Interests of the Child’ (1987) 54(1) University of Chicago Law Review 1045.

Herring J, ‘Farewell Welfare?’ (2011) 27 Journal of Social Welfare and Family Law.

Herring J, ‘The Human Rights Act and the welfare principle in family law - conflicting or complementary?’ (1999) 11(3) Child and Family Law Quarterly.

Mason J, Steadman B, ‘The Significance Of The Conceptualisation Of Childhood For Child Protection Policy’ (1997) 46 Family Matters.

Mnookin R, ‘Child-Custody Adjudication: Judicial Functions In The Face Of Indeterminacy’ (1975) 39(3) Law and Commentary Problems.

Parker S, ‘The Best Interests Of The Child: Reconciling Culture And Human Rights’ (1994) 8 International Journal of Law, Policy and the Family.

Reece H, ‘The Paramountcy Principle: Consensus or Construct?’ (1996) 49 Current Legal Problems 267.

Legislation and Other Instruments

Children Act 1989.

Human Rights Act 1998.

UN General Assembly, Convention on the Rights of the Child, 20 November 1989, United Nations, Treaty Series, vol. 1577.

Baum J, ‘In The Child's Best Interest?: The Consequences Of Losing A Lawful Immigrant Parent To Deportation’ (University of California, Berkeley, School of Law 2010) .

Websites and Online Articles

‘New Projects To Strengthen Families And Keep Children Out Of Care’ ( GOV.UK , 2019) <https://www.gov.uk/government/news/new-projects-to-strengthen-families-and-keep-children-out-of-care> accessed 28 November 2019.

[1] Stephen Gilmore, Lisa Glennon, Hayes And Williams’ Family Law (6th edn, Oxford University Press 2018), p 464. [2] Children Act 1989. [3] ibid, s 1(1). [4] Human Rights Act 1998, art 8. [5] [1970] AC 668. [6] ibid, p 710-11. [7] Children Act (n 2), s 1(3)(b). [8] ibid, s 1(3)(a). [9] ibid, s 8. [10] Gwynn Davis, Julia Pearce, ‘The Welfare Principle In Action’ (1999) 29 Family Law. [11] Children Act (n 2), s 1(3)(a). [12] John Eekelaar, ‘Beyond The Welfare Principle’ (2002) 14 Child and Family Law Quarterly. [13] [1996] 2 FLR 441. [14] Eekelaar (n 12), p 237. [15] Robert Mnookin, ‘Child-Custody Adjudication: Judicial Functions In The Face Of Indeterminacy’ (1975) 39(3) Law and Commentary Problems, p 226-93. [16] Stephen Parker, ‘The Best Interests Of The Child: Reconciling Culture And Human Rights’ (1994) 8 International Journal of Law, Policy and the Family. [17] [2012] EW Misc 15 (CC). [18] ibid, [64]. [19] Chris Bevan, ‘Is Welfare Faring Well? In Praise Of The Welfare Principle: A Case Study From Romford’ (2012) 42 Family Law, p 1143. [20] Jonathan Herring, ‘Farewell Welfare?’ (2011) 27 Journal of Social Welfare and Family Law, p 168. [21] William Macpherson, A Treatise On The Law Relating To Infants (Philadelphia, John S Littell 1843), p 83. [22] [1996] 2 FLR 314. [23] ibid, p 328. [24] Jonathan Herring, ‘The Human Rights Act and the welfare principle in family law - conflicting or complementary?’ (1999) 11(3) Child and Family Law Quarterly, p 225. [25] Shazia Choudhry, Helen Fenwick, ‘Taking the rights of parents and children seriously: confronting the welfare principle under the Human Rights Act’ (2005) 25 Oxford Journal of Legal Studies, p 454. [26] Herring (n 24). [27] CA (n 2), s 31. [28] [1997] 1 FLR 502. [29] ibid, p 249. [30] HRA (n 4), art 8. [31] HRA (n 4), art 2. [32] Re T (n 28) p 256. [33] Jan Mason, Bronwyn Steadman, ‘The Significance Of The Conceptualisation Of Childhood For Child Protection Policy’ (1997) 46 Family Matters, p 31. [34] Helen Reece, ‘The Paramountcy Principle: Consensus or Construct?’ (1996) 49 Current Legal Problems 267, p 303. [35] Gillick v West Norfolk and Wisbech Area Health Authority and Another [1986] AC 112, p 186. [36] Jonathan Baum, ‘In The Child's Best Interest?: The Consequences Of Losing A Lawful Immigrant Parent To Deportation’ (University of California, Berkeley, School of Law 2010), p 36. [37] Andrew Bainham, ‘Non-Intervention and Judicial Paternalism’, in P. Birks (ed), The Frontiers of Liability (Oxford University Press, 1994). [38] UN General Assembly, Convention on the Rights of the Child, 20 November 1989, United Nations, Treaty Series, vol. 1577. [39] ibid, art 3. [40] Herring (n 24), p 233. [41] ‘New Projects To Strengthen Families And Keep Children Out Of Care’ ( GOV.UK , 2019) <https://www.gov.uk/government/news/new-projects-to-strengthen-families-and-keep-children-out-of-care> accessed 28 November 2019. [42] Herring (n 24), p 233. [43] Jon Elster, ‘Solomonic Judgments: Against the Best Interests of the Child’ (1987) 54(1) University of Chicago Law Review 1045.

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Essay on Family Planning Programme in India

In this essay we will discuss about Family Planning Programme in India. After reading this essay you will learn about: 1. Meaning of Family Planning Programme 2. Impact of Family Planning Programme on the Population Growth of India 3. Importance 4. Obstacles 5. Suggestions.

• Essay on the Suggestions for the Family Planning Programme

1. Essay on the Meaning of Family Planning Programme:

Since the inception of planning, the family planning programme has been introduced in India so as to control the rapid growth of population by resorting to family planning methods. The family planning programme which is an integral part of our national population policy covers schemes of education, health, child care, birth control, family welfare, women’s’ right and nutrition.

The term family planning here indicates conscious limitation of the size of the family to the optimum level by adopting voluntary approach. The small size of family necessarily paves the way for the improvement of its standard of living. Therefore, by the term family planning we mean, “to have children by choice and not by chance, by design and not by accident.”

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Therefore, the main thrust of the family planning programme is the conscious acceptance of small family norm and proper spacing of the children. In recent times, the Government has renamed the scheme as Family Welfare Programme.

In keeping with the democratic traditions of the country, the family welfare programme seeks to promote the small family norm and reproduction and child health through free and voluntary choice.

2. Essay on the Impact of Family Planning Programme on the Population Growth of India:

Family welfare programme includes conscious family limitation, where babies will born by choice not by chance and maintenance of family welfare at an optimum level by providing sound health and sanitation facilities.

Family welfare programme is geared up throughout the country along with other development programme so as to contain the rate of growth of population along with maintaining minimum health and sanitation facilities.

Broadly speaking, the family planning programme adopts three methods:

(i) Sterilisation (providing full protection),

(ii) I.U.D. insertion (providing 95 per cent protection) and

(iii) Regular use of oral pills (providing full protection) along with regular use of conventional contraceptives (which normally provide 50 per cent protection).

In India, the sterilisation drive has been facing a sharp fluctuation in its achievement. Table 6.12(b) reveals that the total number of people accepting and performing sterilisation as a family planning method has increased from 1.33 million in 1970-71 to 3.12 million in 1972-73 and then it slid down to only 0.94 million in 1973-74.

Under the blanket cover of emergency, sterilisation drive was launched ruthlessly and thereby its number swelled suddenly to 8.26 million during 1976-77.

But after a high profit of such ruthless drive and the defeat of the Congress (I) Government in 1977 General Election on this issue, the Family Planning Department folded the network of this programme and the number of sterilisations declined sharply to only 0. 95 million in 1977-78.

But after 1978-79, the acceptance of sterilisation as a family planning method has maintained an increasing trend from 1.8 million in 1978-79 to 2.79 in 1981-82 and then to 4.90 million m 1985-86.

In recent years, the number of sterilisations performed has also maintained a stability as the number varied from 4.09 million in 1991-92 to 4.49 million in 1993-94 and then to 4.34 million in 1994-95.

Moreover, the percentage of couples protected effectively by different methods has been increasing over time. Table 6.13 reveals this definite trend.

Table 6.13 reveals that the percentage of eligible couple protected effectively has increased from 10.4 per cent in 1970-71 to 23.7 per cent in 1981-82. Again this couple protection rate (CPR) has further increased to 44.1 per cent in 1990-91 and then to 48.2 per cent in 1998-99.

This increasing trend in couple protection rate has also led to a fall in the birth rate at a slower rate, i.e., from 36.9 per thousand in 1970-71 to 33.0 per thousand in 1976-77 and to 32.7 per thousand in 1984-85 and then to 25.8 per thousand in 1998-99.

Moreover, there is a female bias in respect of acceptance and performance of sterilisation programme in India as the number of male sterilisation is much less than that of female sterilisation. In 1994-95, total number of female sterilisation (Tubectomy) cases performed was 42.07 lakh as compared to that only 1.17 lakh male sterilisation (Vasectomy) performed in the same year.

Thus this acute gender inequity is also standing in the path of achievement of family planning programme. So in order to attain the desired level of success, the male must be made to share the burden of family planning equally with the eligible female population of the country.

Besides, non-family planning measures like raising the age of marriage, reducing the proportion of married female to total females in the age group of 15-44 etc. are also playing an important role in reducing the birth rate of the population.

In India, the proportion of married females in the age group 15-44 has declined from 85.75 per cent in 1961 to 80.48 per cent in 1981 and it is estimated that the same proportion may come down to 77.1 per cent in 1991 and then to 73.6 per cent in 2001.

Although the family planning programme has not been able to attain the desirable rate of success but these various policies and programmes adopted in this direction have helped containing population growth. The Total Fertility Rate, a measure of the average number of children born to a woman during her reproductive period has dropped from 5.2 in 1971 to 3.1 in 2001.

The crude birth rate has come down from 41.2 per thousand populations in 1971 to 25.0 per thousand in 2002 as per the estimates of Sample Registration System (SRS).

The crude death rate has also declined from 19 per thousand populations to 8.1 per thousand over the same period. Infant mortality rate has also declined from 129 per thousand live births in 1971 to 63 per thousand in 2002. The annual population growth rate works out at 1.93 per cent during 1991-2001, which is marginally lower than that of 2.22 per cent during 1981-91.

However, it is a tragedy that the National Population Policy, 2000 is incapable of meeting the inherent demographic requirements of the new economic policy of the country. The NPP 2000 has refused to recognise the fact that voluntary family planning programmes over the last five decades have failed to control the excessive population growth of the country.

As per the last National Family Health Survey held in 1998-99, it is found that only about 48.2 per cent of couples in India used any modern contraceptive and there again about three-fourths of these couples adopted sterilisation which is not of much use as it is known to us that mostly couples get themselves sterilised only after having two sons, that is, on an average three to four children.

It is no wonder that under such a situation the population growth rate of India has been abysmally slow, i.e., from 2.14 per cent per year during 1981-91 to 1.93 per cent per year during 1991-2001, which reflects a decline of only 10 per cent over a decade.

Thus it is found that in spite of India being one of the foremost countries to institute a national family planning programme as early as in 1951 the country has dismally failed to achieve the purpose till date. In contrast, the European countries where, too large families were as common as in India took the initiative much later but achieved considerable success much earlier.

There were two most important reasons behind this success. Firstly, they had the firm determination that children should not only be physically strong but also well educated or, at least, well trained in the specialised skills required for maintaining a productive career.

Secondly, they had the awareness that high cost of modern education and professional training must be maintained to make it possible for parents to support large families. It is the failure of India to catch up and pursue these two above-noted European guideposts that has pushed the country much behind the required achievement in demographic goal.

The socio political factors which are largely responsible for this failure of family planning programme in India include:

(i) Male child preference;

(ii) Politics of caste and communal vote banks;

(iii) Religious fundamentalism;

(iv) Male non co-operation in family planning; and

(v) Political apathy.

All these can be considered as the socio-political hurdles in the path of the success of population control programmes in India. So, it is wrong to insist that literacy, health care and poverty alleviation would check our population growth.

Recent Strategy:

In recent years, serious efforts were made by the Government towards the implementation of the strategy of population control and family welfare. Considerable progress has also been achieved in the socio-demographic parameters over the last two decades. However, the country continues to lag behind several other countries in the region. The following table reflects over the situation in this regard.

The National Population Policy, 2000 aims at achieving net replacement levels of total fertility rate by 2010 through vigorous implementation of inter-sectoral operational strategies. The long term objective is to achieve population stabilization by 2045 at a level consistent with the requirements of sustainable economic growth, social development and environment protection.

Under the mandate of NCMP of the Government, the expenditure in the health sector is proposed to increase from 0.9 per cent of GDP to 2.3 per cent of GDP over the next five years. In order to augment health care services in rural areas of the country, a National Rural Health Mission has been conceptualized and is announced in 2005-06 Union Budget.

The National Rural Health Mission (2005-09) covered the whole country with special focus on 18 states which have either weak socio-demographic indicators and/or primary health infrastructure. These states are UP, MP, Rajasthan, Bihar, Jharkhand, Chhattisgarh, Orissa, Uttaranchal, North Eastern States, Himachal Pradesh and Jammu and Kashmir.

A Reproductive and Child Health Programme is commenced from April 2005 for a five year period. This encompasses the entire National Family Welfare Programme and is based on decentralized planning. The programme will be funded by the Central Government with partial funding support by World Bank, DFID and UNFPA as pooled financing.

USAID and European Union are the other development partners supporting the programme from outside the pool and UNICEF and WHO will be providing technical assistance for the programme.

3. Essay on the Importance of Family Planning Programme:

In an over-populated and underdeveloped country like India, the family planning or the family welfare programme has a special significance. The individual, family as well as the society as a whole are benefitted by the measures of family planning.

The following are the importance of family planning:

(i) Reducing the Growth Rate of Population:

The first and foremost importance of family planning is to reduce the rate of growth of population to a considerable extent. By introducing and popularising various birth control devices, the rate of growth of population can be controlled to a considerable extent.

(ii) Benefit to the Entire Nation:

The family planning is beneficial to the entire nation as the reduction in the rate of growth of population can pave the way for increase in the level of per capita income and also its standard of living. This will create scope for better employment facilities, better education and health facilities leading to a qualitative change for the betterment of life styles of the people of the country, in general.

(iii) Child Survival:  

The family welfare programme introduced in India has its importance on raising prospect of child survival by reducing the child mortality rate. This programme has been creating an environment where the children will be better fed, better cared and well looked after.

The first pragmatic initiative undertaken during the last two years of the Eighth Plan is the reorganisation of the Child Survival and Safe Motherhood and related programmes into the Reproductive and Child Health (RCH) package of programmes.

A provision of Rs 450 crore has been made in 1997-98 (RE) or RCH scheme. Again the Pulse Polio immunisation has been continued for the third year during 1997-98 targeting children in the age group 0-5 years.

(iv) Safe Motherhood:

Family welfare programme has made provision for safe motherhood and thereby it has a special importance in raising the level of health facilities along with better pre-natal and post-natal care. Moreover, the family planning measures in the form of birth control devices has helped the mothers from unwanted pregnancy.

(v) Social Improvement:

The family welfare programme is considered to be very much beneficial both to an individual as well as to the society as a whole. The family planning will create favourable condition for the improvement in the standard of living and better health facilities for the people in general, leading to improvement in society.

4. Essay on the Obstacles in the Path of Implementing Family Planning Programme:

Although family planning programmes are gradually becoming popular among the people of India but there are some obstacles in its path.

Following are some of the obstacles in the path of implementing family planning programme:

(i) Illiteracy:

Wide spread illiteracy particularly in the rural areas is creating hurdles in the path of implementation of family planning programmes. Due to widespread illiteracy and lack of consciousness a good number of populations does not realise the importance of family planning measures and also of the small family norms.

(ii) Poverty:

Widespread poverty in India is a serious hurdle in the path of implementing family planning measure. Poor people prefer more children in their family as they have a misconception that greater; number of children would become an asset in their old age as they think that increasing number of children are expected to support the increasing income for the family.

(iii) Religious Opposition:

A sizeable section of the population of the country opposes the family planning measures as they consider the family planning as against the religious norms and an immoral act.

(iv) Fatalism:

Fatalism prevails upon the sizeable section of people of India. They consider the birth of child as a gift of god and accept the birth as a chance and not by choice. They do not accept the importance of family planning.

(v) Inadequacy of Cheap and Effective Methods:

The country is suffering from inadequacy of cheap and effective methods of birth control. This is mostly resulted from inadequacy of research on birth control.

(vi) Lack of Finance:

The family planning programme and the movement of population control has failed to cover entire areas due to lack of finances. In order to spread the message of family planning programme and also to implement the programmes sufficient funds are required. But the required amount of funds is not available for the implementation of the programme.

(vii) Shortage of Trained Staff:

The country is facing the problem of shortage of trained staff for the implementation of family planning programmes. The country is maintaining on an average two doctors for every 10 thousand population. Thus the poor performance of the family planning programme is mostly resulted from the shortage of trained staff.

(viii) Lack of Publicity:

Family planning programme in India is suffering from lack of publicity. Although nearly 70 per cent of the total population of the country are living in rural areas but there are gaps in imparting knowledge and information related to family planning particularly in the rural areas.

(ix) Lack of Motivation:

There is lack of motivation on the part of family planning programme staff to motivate the people for adopting family planning or birth control devices so as to accept the small family norms.

5. Essay on the Suggestions for the Family Welfare Programme:

Following are some of the important suggestions that can be normally advanced are achieving further success in the implementation of family planning programme:

(i) The family welfare programme be completely integrated and co-ordinated alongwith the public health measures.

(ii) Enrolment of more sincere, experienced and sympathetic personnel for the implementation of the programme.

(iii) Increasing production and free distribution of contraceptives among the poor people.

(iv) Raising the age of marriage for both sex through both legal and social sanction.

(v) Offering higher incentives for sterilisation.

(vi) Liberalising abortion for married women.

(vii) Withdrawing maternity benefits to those women violating two-child norm.

(viii) Adoption of Chinese system of incentives in respect of job, salary hike, promotion, housing, ration etc. to those who have been following small family norm.

(ix) Introduction of disincentive schemes in the form of increased taxation and withdrawal of other facilities etc. for those people who refuse to accept the small family norm.

(x) Making adequate provision for substantial reduction in the infant mortality rate and also to enhance the child survival rate for the successful adoption of small family norm.

(xi) To strengthen the monitoring of the entire programme so as to reduce leakages and misutilisation to the minimum.

(xii) Adoption of a strong political will by all the political parties for the universal implementation of family planning programme and also for adoption of incentive and disincentive package in connection with small family norm.

(xiii) Publicity. In order to send the message of family planning, its importance and method to the general masses, wide publicity must be made. Misconceptions about the harmful effect of birth control devices should be removed from the mind of the people through publicity. With the help of mass media like T.V., Radio, Cinema, Newspapers, Journals or by pamphlets the task of publicity can be made successfully.

(xiv) Spread of Education and Motivation. By raising the rate of literacy and to make the people more conscious about health and family welfare along with adoption of small family norm, the Government can popularise family welfare programmes among the people.

Spread of education among women and participation of women in various job opportunities and other social activities can raise their social status which can indirectly contribute towards containing the birth rate of population of the country. Moreover, the family planning programme staff should try to motivate people in general to adopt the family planning or birth control devices so as to accept the idea of small family norm.

(xv) Lastly, enlarging popular support and co-operation on the part of the general people and enhancing sustained administrative support for the implementation of the programme are very much essential to realise to goal of reducing the population growth rate to 1.2 per cent by 2000 A.D.

Thus the family planning programme in India needs a total change in its strategy. In this respect the family planning strategy to slow down the population increase followed by China has been far stricter and far more successful than that of India.

Jodi Jacobson in her report recently observed that, “Other countries can learn and copy a great deal from China’s experience. The barefoot doctor programme is one example. By decentralizing health care and family planning provided literally by villagers for villagers, countries can begin to combat high rates of maternal and infant mortality and provide the means and information necessary to plan families. A widespread rural network can help to educate people on population and environmental issues. By codifying and enforcing laws and offering women of every age educational and employment opportunities equivalent to men, countries can promote equity and lower fertility at the same time.”

Thus the present population scenario in India demands a bold strategy for the successful implementation of family planning programme in India.

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• Measures taken by Government of India for Family Planning
• Top 5 Measures Adopted by Government for Family Planning
• 5 Major Loopholes in the Population Policy of India
• Birth Rate and Death Rate in India (Statistics)

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Ryan garcia gets welfare check at fancy l.a. hotel, family member worried for boxer, ryan garcia cops called to check on boxer ... after hotel incident.

Ryan Garcia was checked out by cops at a fancy hotel in Los Angeles Wednesday night ... when a family member called authorities after they became concerned for the star boxer's well-being, TMZ Sports has learned.

Law enforcement sources tell us officers responded to the Waldorf Astoria Beverly Hills for a welfare check in the early evening after the 25-year-old's fam called police. It's unclear exactly what led to the call being made.

Our sources say cops spoke to Ryan at the hotel and determined that he was okay and was not a harm to himself or others, and being no crime was committed, everyone went on their way.

Of course, 25-year-old Garcia has had a hectic few months. He beat previously undefeated star boxer Devin Haney ... but was then popped for using performance-enhancing drugs. Ryan has adamantly said he didn't cheat, and instead took a tainted supplement.

Garcia also recently revealed that his mom was battling cancer ... so, suffice it to say he's been through a lot of ups and downs lately.

Although law enforcement left, that wasn't the end of the excitement for the night. Sources with direct knowledge tell us Garcia, who was apparently drinking, was cut off by Waldorf staff after alleged erratic behavior later on that same night.

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Guest Essay

I Supervised New York City Judges. Juan Merchan Put On a Master Class in the Trump Trial.

By George Grasso

Mr. Grasso is a retired New York City administrative judge.

I spent almost 13 years as a judge in Brooklyn, Queens and the Bronx. I supervised judges presiding over a wide spectrum of cases, dealing with complex legal issues, angry victims, difficult defendants and intense media scrutiny. The job can at times be thankless and frustrating.

But for all the cases I saw, I never encountered anything remotely as challenging as what Justice Juan Merchan faced in his Manhattan courtroom while presiding over the first criminal trial of a former president. And since Donald Trump was found guilty on 34 counts, Justice Merchan has come under further vicious attack.

As a retiree, I was able to attend each day of the Trump trial. What I saw was a master class in what a judge should be — how one can serve fairly and impartially for the prosecution and the defense, and above all remain a pillar for the rule of law in America.

Since the indictment over the cover-up of hush-money payments was issued last year, Justice Merchan has been subjected to an unrelenting pressure campaign. The defendant, Mr. Trump, and his supporters viciously attacked the judge and his family in deeply personal terms. Most judges strive to maintain their composure under the greatest of stress, but few succeed — yet Justice Merchan remained cool, calm and collected at every step of the trial.

As a supervising judge, I always emphasized the importance of maintaining control to those under my charge. That is how a judge ensures that all defendants — especially the most difficult ones — get a fair trial. That is how everyone is treated with courtesy and how rulings are evenhanded and fair. In this area, Justice Merchan excelled.

He issued a gag order carefully designed to protect witnesses, jurors, prosecutors and court staff, but left himself out of the order. He did this to ensure that the defendant’s right to harshly criticize the proceedings was protected even though he must have known that he would become an even greater target of Mr. Trump’s ire. When Mr. Trump repeatedly violated the order, Justice Merchan bent over backward to avoid sending the defendant to jail, despite a clear legal justification to do so.

It is hard for me to think of another defendant acting out in the same manner who would have received such lenient treatment. But special times — and special trials — sometimes call for special measures. A judge needs to know when to apply such measures.

In the course of the trial, he maintained his composure. Defense attorneys received many favorable rulings, and in some instances (like during the testimony of Stormy Daniels) he even made and sustained objections on behalf of the defense during direct examination. On other occasions, when Mr. Trump engaged in particularly objectionable behavior (like muttering curses about a testifying witness), he calmly called one of the defense attorneys to the bench to put a stop to the inappropriate behavior. Other judges might have called out the behavior directly, embarrassing Mr. Trump in front of the jury, which could be seen as prejudicial to the defendant.

I can’t think of one time when the judge interjected himself unnecessarily against either prosecution or defense, but not everyone agrees with that. In a recent New York Post opinion piece , for example, the lawyer Alan Dershowitz referred to “one of the most remarkable wrongheaded biases I have ever seen” regarding Justice Merchan’s handling of the defense witness Robert Costello’s behavior.

Maintaining order and fairness in a courtroom is not bias; it is how justice is served, and it is no easy thing to obtain.

Since the verdict, Republicans have unleashed further attacks against Justice Merchan. One Arizona Republican running for a House seat called Justice Merchan “a corrupt and biased political operative” and said that he “must be disbarred and prosecuted.”

Let’s be clear, these attacks are not really about Justice Merchan. They are direct attacks on our entire system of justice. As President Biden said in remarks concerning this case on Friday afternoon, they are reckless, dangerous and irresponsible.

However, I do agree with Mr. Dershowitz’s position in that same opinion essay that we should televise trials in New York State, so all could see for themselves what I saw every day and what he saw on the day he was there. For most Americans who followed the case, all they were able to see has come from media gaggles outside the courtroom.

Justice Merchan had to set a boundary between Mr. Trump’s raucous but protected speech (barring transgressions of the gag order) and the fact-based evidentiary and back-and-forth questioning that is central to a trial. By guarding that boundary, he protected the integrity of the rule of law.

I am aware of the deep divisions in our country as to the wisdom and strength of this case. But I am certain that Americans were well served by Justice Merchan.

George Grasso is a retired New York City administrative judge and a former Police Department first deputy commissioner.

The Times is committed to publishing a diversity of letters to the editor. We’d like to hear what you think about this or any of our articles. Here are some tips . And here’s our email: [email protected] .

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Rep. Byron Donalds says Black families were stronger during Jim Crow era

The comments from the Florida Republican, who is Black, drew a sharp rebuke from House Minority Leader Hakeem Jeffries (D-N.Y.) and other Democrats.

Rep. Byron Donalds (R-Fla.), campaigning Tuesday for former president Donald Trump , argued Black families were stronger during the Jim Crow era, drawing vocal condemnation from Democrats including House Minority Leader Hakeem Jeffries (D-N.Y.).

Donalds, who has been mentioned as a possible running mate for Trump, made the comments at a Trump campaign event in Philadelphia with Rep. Wesley Hunt (R-Tex.) that was aimed at Black voters. Donalds and Hunt are both Black.

The Philadelphia Inquirer quoted Donalds as saying he was beginning to see the “reinvigoration of Black family” in America and suggesting that Black family values had been in decline since Black voters embraced the Democratic Party after the civil rights movement.

“You see, during Jim Crow, the Black family was together. During Jim Crow, more Black people were not just conservative — Black people have always been conservative-minded — but more Black people voted conservatively,” Donalds said. “And then HEW, Lyndon Johnson — you go down that road, and now we are where we are.”

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Donalds appeared to refer to the former federal Department of Health, Education and Welfare. President Johnson’s Great Society programs in the 1960s endeavored to end poverty and racial injustice in America.

Jeffries, who also is Black, gave a House floor speech Wednesday that castigated Donalds over the comments.

“It has come to my attention that a so-called leader has made the factually inaccurate statement that Black folks were better off during Jim Crow,” Jeffries said. “That’s an outlandish, outrageous and out-of-pocket observation.”

President Biden’s reelection campaign also drew attention to Donalds’s comments in an X post , posting his quote and saying, “Trump VP contender Byron Donalds claims life was better for Black Americans during Jim Crow.”

“Donald Trump spent his adult life, and then his presidency undermining the progress Black communities fought so hard for,” Biden campaign spokesperson Sarafina Chitika said in a statement, adding that it therefore made sense that Trump’s version of Black outreach was “promising to take America back to Jim Crow.”

Donalds responded to Democratic criticism of his remarks in a video posted to X . He told viewers that Biden’s reelection campaign is “lying to you once again and they’re gaslighting” by claiming Donalds said Black people did better under Jim Crow laws.

“What I said was, is that you had more Black families under Jim Crow, and it was the Democrat policies — under HEW, under the welfare state — that did help to destroy the Black family,” Donalds said.

The controversy comes as Trump works to chip away at Biden’s large advantage with Black voters, long a key voting bloc in Democratic victories. Trump held a Bronx rally last month where he said African Americans have been “getting slaughtered” by Biden’s policies. Donalds helped introduce Trump at the rally.

Biden and Vice President Harris, who is Black, visited Philadelphia last week to launch a Black voter coalition and paint Trump as a threat to the Black community.

“Donald Trump is pandering and peddling lies and stereotypes for your votes so he can win for himself, not for you,” Biden said.

A Washington Post-Ipsos poll from April found 74 percent of Black registered voters said they will “definitely” or “probably” vote for Biden, while 14 percent said the same for Trump. Trump won 12 percent of Black voters in the 2020 presidential election, according to exit polls .

Trump has a long history of antagonistic comments toward the Black community that Biden’s campaign has highlighted as Trump makes more of an effort to peel off Black voters. Last week, a former producer on “The Apprentice” — the TV show that made Trump famous — wrote in an essay that Trump used a racist slur while discussing a finalist on the show’s first season, which aired in 2004. Trump’s campaign called the account “completely fabricated.”

During the Jim Crow era, Black Americans faced state and local laws that made racial discrimination legal.

Jeffries listed several reasons he said Black people were not better off during the period, saying they could be lynched, denied a high-quality education and denied the right to vote — all “without consequence.”

“How dare you make such an ignorant observation?” Jeffries said of Donalds. “You better check yourself before you wreck yourself.”

Donalds received support on X from Hunt , the other Black GOP congressman who headlined the Trump campaign event in Philadelphia. Hunt wrote that he was present and that “I can tell you for a fact what Byron and I were talking about is the Democrat party breaking up two parent black families with their failed policies.”