Show that you understand the current state of research on your topic.
The length of a research proposal can vary quite a bit. A bachelor’s or master’s thesis proposal can be just a few pages, while proposals for PhD dissertations or research funding are usually much longer and more detailed. Your supervisor can help you determine the best length for your work.
One trick to get started is to think of your proposal’s structure as a shorter version of your thesis or dissertation , only without the results , conclusion and discussion sections.
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Writing a research proposal can be quite challenging, but a good starting point could be to look at some examples. We’ve included a few for you below.
Like your dissertation or thesis, the proposal will usually have a title page that includes:
The first part of your proposal is the initial pitch for your project. Make sure it succinctly explains what you want to do and why.
Your introduction should:
To guide your introduction , include information about:
As you get started, it’s important to demonstrate that you’re familiar with the most important research on your topic. A strong literature review shows your reader that your project has a solid foundation in existing knowledge or theory. It also shows that you’re not simply repeating what other people have already done or said, but rather using existing research as a jumping-off point for your own.
In this section, share exactly how your project will contribute to ongoing conversations in the field by:
Following the literature review, restate your main objectives . This brings the focus back to your own project. Next, your research design or methodology section will describe your overall approach, and the practical steps you will take to answer your research questions.
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, )? ? | |
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To finish your proposal on a strong note, explore the potential implications of your research for your field. Emphasize again what you aim to contribute and why it matters.
For example, your results might have implications for:
Last but not least, your research proposal must include correct citations for every source you have used, compiled in a reference list . To create citations quickly and easily, you can use our free APA citation generator .
Some institutions or funders require a detailed timeline of the project, asking you to forecast what you will do at each stage and how long it may take. While not always required, be sure to check the requirements of your project.
Here’s an example schedule to help you get started. You can also download a template at the button below.
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Research phase | Objectives | Deadline |
---|---|---|
1. Background research and literature review | 20th January | |
2. Research design planning | and data analysis methods | 13th February |
3. Data collection and preparation | with selected participants and code interviews | 24th March |
4. Data analysis | of interview transcripts | 22nd April |
5. Writing | 17th June | |
6. Revision | final work | 28th July |
If you are applying for research funding, chances are you will have to include a detailed budget. This shows your estimates of how much each part of your project will cost.
Make sure to check what type of costs the funding body will agree to cover. For each item, include:
To determine your budget, think about:
If you want to know more about the research process , methodology , research bias , or statistics , make sure to check out some of our other articles with explanations and examples.
Methodology
Statistics
Research bias
Once you’ve decided on your research objectives , you need to explain them in your paper, at the end of your problem statement .
Keep your research objectives clear and concise, and use appropriate verbs to accurately convey the work that you will carry out for each one.
I will compare …
A research aim is a broad statement indicating the general purpose of your research project. It should appear in your introduction at the end of your problem statement , before your research objectives.
Research objectives are more specific than your research aim. They indicate the specific ways you’ll address the overarching aim.
A PhD, which is short for philosophiae doctor (doctor of philosophy in Latin), is the highest university degree that can be obtained. In a PhD, students spend 3–5 years writing a dissertation , which aims to make a significant, original contribution to current knowledge.
A PhD is intended to prepare students for a career as a researcher, whether that be in academia, the public sector, or the private sector.
A master’s is a 1- or 2-year graduate degree that can prepare you for a variety of careers.
All master’s involve graduate-level coursework. Some are research-intensive and intend to prepare students for further study in a PhD; these usually require their students to write a master’s thesis . Others focus on professional training for a specific career.
Critical thinking refers to the ability to evaluate information and to be aware of biases or assumptions, including your own.
Like information literacy , it involves evaluating arguments, identifying and solving problems in an objective and systematic way, and clearly communicating your ideas.
The best way to remember the difference between a research plan and a research proposal is that they have fundamentally different audiences. A research plan helps you, the researcher, organize your thoughts. On the other hand, a dissertation proposal or research proposal aims to convince others (e.g., a supervisor, a funding body, or a dissertation committee) that your research topic is relevant and worthy of being conducted.
If you want to cite this source, you can copy and paste the citation or click the “Cite this Scribbr article” button to automatically add the citation to our free Citation Generator.
McCombes, S. & George, T. (2023, November 21). How to Write a Research Proposal | Examples & Templates. Scribbr. Retrieved September 8, 2024, from https://www.scribbr.com/research-process/research-proposal/
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This sample globalization research paper features: 6400 words (approx. 20 pages), an outline, and a bibliography with 45 sources. Browse other research paper examples for more inspiration. If you need a thorough research paper written according to all the academic standards, you can always turn to our experienced writers for help. This is how your paper can get an A! Feel free to contact our writing service for professional assistance. We offer high-quality assignments for reasonable rates.
Earlier attempts to grasp globalization, contemporary approaches to globalization, the global political economy, the global cultural economy, questioning “globalization”, globalization and development, governance, sovereignty, and citizenship.
Globalization is an inconsistent concept, and definitions of it abound. However, most anthropologists agree that, experientially, globalization refers to a reorganization of time and space in which many movements of peoples, things, and ideas throughout much of the world have become increasingly faster and effortless. Spatially and temporally, cities and towns, individuals and groups, institutions and governments have become linked in ways that are fundamentally new in many regards, especially in terms of the potential speed of interactions among them. Examples of these interactions are myriad: The click of a mouse button on a Wall Street computer can have immediate financial effects thousands of miles away on another continent, and events like the fall of the Berlin Wall in 1989 or footage of the 2005 tsunami in southern Asia can be televised internationally, whereby millions of viewers interpret the same images concurrently.
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Beyond these shared perspectives on and approaches to globalization, anthropologists disagree with one another in important regards. The first concerns the “what”: Does globalization name a more-or-less singular and radical transformation that encompasses the globe, in which technoeconomic advancements have fundamentally reorganized time-space, bringing people, places, things, and ideas from all corners of the world into closer contact with one another? Or, is globalization a misnomer, even a fad, a term too general to describe a vast array of situated processes and projects that are inconsistent and never entirely “global”?
A second discussion concerns the “when”: Is globalization new—do we currently live in the “global era”? Or, has the world long been shaped by human interaction spanning great distances?
These debates are not limited to two opposing sides. Some scholars feel that these very questions blunt meaningful analysis of the contemporary world and all of its nuances. By focusing largely on absolutes—that is, what is entirely singular versus wholly chaotic, what is radically new versus something predicated largely on the past— important questions are passed over. For example, what are the specific mechanisms of human interconnection and the particular histories in which they are embedded?
Anthropologists do agree, however, on how to best go about investigating globalization: through long-term, intensive fieldwork, either in a single locality or in several linked analytically together. This fieldwork is ethnographic; that is, it seeks an intimate understanding of the social and cultural dynamics of specific communities, as well as the broader social and political systems they negotiate. In a world of intensifying social relations, ethnography requires engagement in both empirical research and critical theory.
Anthropological attention to ethnographic detail is an important rejoinder to a vast globalization literature centered on macro phenomena, such as the relations between large-scale political and economic bodies like nationstates, political unions, trade organizations, and transnational corporations. Undoubtedly, these “translocal” entities are of great anthropological interest as well. Yet the discipline has taken as its goal the understanding of how specific subjects respond to and act within these large-scale processes, institutions, and discourses through culturally specific lenses. Thus, anthropology’s contribution to this literature lies in its assertion that social change, viewed in both distance-defying connections and inequitable disconnections within the world, can be compellingly grasped in the daily practices of individuals and the groups, institutions, and belief systems they inhabit.
It bears emphasis that a researcher cannot simply board a plane to “the global.” The empirical aspects of human social interaction—while facilitated by the “placelessness” of systems and structures like international finance networks, religious chat rooms, or television broadcasts—are produced, interpreted, and negotiated by people in particular places. It is for this reason that the ethnographic method has continued to define anthropological research, even as it pertains to globalization. The ethnographic emphasis has long been to follow the question, the person, the commodity, or the idea—all things that are continually mobilized or constrained by human activity. As will be argued in further detail below, anthropologists have tended to warn against the erasure of human agency in depictions of such interaction, and the discipline’s commitment to research continues to inform this warning. Some anthropologists have gone so far as to argue that empirically thin accounts of globalization, especially those that embrace it as a natural and ultimately unavoidable force in the world, actually obscure the means by which unequal relations of power are forged. The argument is significant, as anthropologists generally agree that the ability to define globalization and steer discussions pertaining to it greatly informs the decisions of wealthy and influential policymakers.
While often understated in current anthropological scholarship on globalization, early anthropological attempts to grasp translocal phenomena greatly influenced the discipline’s development. Indeed, anthropology has a history of engagement with translocal phenomena and has long argued that exchange across sometimes vast distances has been and is common to human social interaction. Arguably the first incarnation of such a notion is seen in the works of late 19th- and early 20th-century diffusionists, who held that cultural change was a product of initially distinct cultural traits being appropriated and dispersed among individuals and groups over great geographic distances. Franz Boas, often called the father of American anthropology, saw diffusionism as a corrective to unilineal evolutionary conceptions of culture change, which articulated the development of cultural traits as a product of independent and isolated trial and error rather than as a product of permeable social worlds facilitating cultural exchange. Boas argued as follows:
It would be an error to assume that a cultural trait had its original home in the area in which it is now most strongly developed. Christianity did not originate in Europe or America. The manufacture of iron did not originate in America or northern Europe. It was the same in early times. (Boas, 1932, p. 609)
A fellow critic of cultural evolution perspectives during Boas’s time, Bronislaw Malinowski spent over two years in the Trobriand Islands examining the kula ring, a regional system of exchange that Malinowski (1922) claimed functioned to maintain social solidarity and enhance status among males bestowing necklaces and armbands upon one another. Malinowski is most widely renowned as an early practitioner of participant observation, but Malinowski’s study also required him to practice multi-sited research, which is now seen as a sometimes necessary mode of fieldwork to “follow” translocal phenomena.
Two other anthropologists informed by functionalism and influenced by Malinowski’s study of nonmonetary exchange were Mauss and Ortiz, both of whom produced works that challenged readers to think beyond the local. Mauss’s The Gift (first published in 1923) explored the historical beginnings of translocal systems of exchange that often brought about social cohesion through gift giving and reciprocity. Mauss cited examples of this exchange among groups in the South Pacific region, as well as in North America. Originally published in 1940, Ortiz’s Cuban Counterpoint developed the concept of “transculturation” to describe the different phases of cultural hybridization between ethnically diverse groups (many of whom were arriving from foreign lands) in Cuba under colonialism. Ortiz further argued that the production and export of Cuban commodities like sugar and tobacco came to be deeply entangled with European and U.S. interests.
While the above works demonstrate early insights into the relationships between relatively small populations and an outside world, it is common to read of early 20th-century anthropology’s insular emphasis on closed, internally coherent cultural systems. Leach’s Political Systems of Highland Burma, first published in 1954, was a powerful response to the “bounded” conceptions of cultural change, as he took a regional scale as his point of entry into the indeterminate dynamics of identity formation in Burma. Leach also emphasized the power and creativity of individual actors to shape culture beyond local contexts.
The 1960s and the two decades that followed were formative in the history of anthropology’s engagement with large-scale processes. The political turmoil of the “libratory,” anticolonial wars, and rising nationalism in the global South during the 1960s are commonly cited as the greatest impetuses of this engagement. In addition, a principled dissatisfaction with the trajectory of anthropology and social science disciplines in general informed the reanimation of the Marxist approach known as political economy. Much of this dissatisfaction stemmed from a lack of engagement with political economy’s most central concerns: the nature of material production, class, and power.
Broadly conceived, the political economic approach within anthropology was utilized to understand the relations between large-scale processes of economic and political change and specific (usually subaltern) communities. The anthropological approach was heavily influenced by the “world-systems” theory of sociologist Immanuel Wallerstein and “underdevelopment” perspective of economist Andre Gunder Frank. Both of these thinkers emphasized the imposing gravity of the European- and American-dominated world economy. Concisely, this world economy provided a framework by which Western, or “core,” economies could systematically exploit the non-Western, or “peripheral” nations of the world through the appropriation of their economic surpluses and labor. This perspective laid out a significant critique of economic modernization theory, for both Wallerstein and Frank stressed the causal relationship between worldwide capitalist expansion and subaltern subjugation, or development and underdevelopment.
A common perception among anthropologists sympathetic to political economy was that the “periphery” category was too generalized and unnuanced. Anthropologists believed that their disciplinary proclivities could bring the diverse reactions of “micropopulations” to capitalist penetration into clearer focus and thus provide a more detailed, if not more realistic, explanation of unequal relations of power. Eric Wolf and Sydney Mintz were exemplary in their efforts to conjoin the broad focus of world systems theory with anthropology’s long-established object of study, the social dynamics of the subaltern.
Wolf demonstrated his materialist approach in his influential and ironically titled Europe and the People Without History (1982). The book sought ambitiously to trace the history of capitalism’s expansion and eventual penetration into precapitalist societies, and thus account for the means by which particular non-Western localities were transformed into production sites of primary goods— gold and diamonds in South Africa, coffee in Mexico, and rubber in the Amazon, to name only a few of Wolf’s examples—for Western consumption and profiteering. Wolf’s analytic brush was decidedly broad, as he sought to outline patterns of this expansion and penetration on a massive geographic scale.
Mintz’s Sweetness and Power: The Place of Sugar in Modern History (1985), while geographically narrower in its focus, was nevertheless an ambitious anthropological investigation of the politics of production and consumption between a metropole and colony during the 17th through 19th centuries. Mintz argued that slave labor in the Caribbean was a means for sugar to become a highly valued and common commodity in England. His work is important because it demonstrated that the Caribbean producers of sugar were crucial actors in the shaping of the lifeworlds of metropolitan centers of global capitalism.
Much the same as intellectual forebears like Boas, Malinowski, and Mintz, anthropologists today are apt to favor specificity and variation over generalization and central tendency. Anthropology has, subsequently, tended to shy away from grand theories that can essentialize peoples and characterize histories as predetermined. Indeed, a continued interest of anthropologists is to investigate how individuals and groups negotiate their social worlds in creative and unexpected ways. However, this has not prevented anthropologists from using macro theories as frameworks for inquiry nor from intimating how ethnographic detail is indicative of broader social configurations. The main point is that empirically supported arguments are paramount. This is where long-term, immersed fieldwork has been and remains a central element of anthropological contributions to the scholarship on globalization.
Yet the disciplinary interest in globalization has sparked debate about the future of fieldwork methodology. Indeed, while the ethos of anthropology continues to privilege singlesited fieldwork (as this has long been considered the best means to become versed in the social processes of a given community), many argue that a world of intensifying human relations has left traditional fieldwork approaches outmoded. In an effort to address this challenge, George Marcus (1995) outlined two strategies. The first argues for the use of archival data, as well as macro theory, to situate specific communities or individuals in larger socioeconomic processes. Ann Stoler’s Carnal Knowledge and Imperial Power: Race and the Intimate in Colonial Rule (2002), as well as Fernando Coronil’s The Magical State: Nature, Money, and Modernity in Venezuela (1997) are prominent examples of this approach.
The second method involves moving out from single sites to conduct “multisited” ethnography in order to examine movements of ideas, peoples, and things. Carolyn Nordstrom’s Shadows of War: Violence, Power, and International Profiteering in the Twenty-First Century (2004) takes this as its task, using ethnographic methods to track the mobility of goods and money throughout largescale extralegal exchange systems fueling conflict, marginalization, and profiteering.
While definitions of globalization abound, the greatest differences in such definitions are typically a matter of emphasis. Modern-day political economic anthropologists, for example, clearly emphasize political and economic processes that structure and are structured by landscapes of human interaction. Like Wolf and Mintz, these anthropologists view the political economic approach as a necessary corrective to scholarship that historically turned interconnected people and places into distinctive and disconnected phenomena. A great number of medical anthropologists, for example, call for anthropologists to cast light on the historical and contemporary connections and disconnections within the capitalist world system that bring about human affliction. Both Paul Farmer and Nancy Scheper-Hughes are archetypes of this contemporary political economy of health approach. Paul Farmer’s “An Anthropology of Structural Violence” (2004) outlines the historically deep and geographically broad exploitive relations between Haiti and the United States that have predestined the deaths of Haiti’s impoverished to AIDS and tuberculosis. Nancy Scheper-Hughes’s “The Global Traffic in Human Organs” (2000) argues that economic globalization has facilitated the creation of an extensive market for the illicit harvest and trade of human body parts. Within this market, impoverished populations are targeted by brokers who, with the help of surgeons, turn high profits by selling these human organs and tissues to wealthier consumers in the global North.
Phenomena like these, political economists assert, are associated with the advent of late-modern capitalism— now commonly called “neoliberal globalization.” Neoliberal globalization refers to the predominate theory of free market capitalism, which these analysts argue continues to be the primary engine of globalization. The term neoliberalism itself underscores an important element of the political economic argument—that globalization is a human-made and ideologically driven set of processes.
The focus on neoliberalism is also one manner in which scholars have come to conceptualize how the contemporary moment is fundamentally different from the past. The most clearly articulated and influential starting point for many scholars of this school of thought is David Harvey, a Marxist geographer who in his significant work The Condition of Postmodernity (1989) argued that economic restructuring and associated social and political changes in Western economies in the early 1970s sparked a fundamental reorganization of global commerce that sped up the turnover times of capital. These changes were characterized, according to Harvey, by an increasing sense of spatial attenuation and temporal acceleration in human economic and social relations. Harvey refered to this sensation as time-space compression , which was brought on by the collapse of significant geographic and temporal barriers to commerce. This collapse was a byproduct of an economic experiment promoted during a crisis of capital accumulation and subsequent recession that existing Keynesian fiscal and monetary policies could do little to stop. The experiment involved the transition from the Fordist model of standardized commodity production and its related system of political and social regulation (the dominant mode of capitalism since the end of World War II) to the post-Fordist model of flexible accumulation. The increased velocity and reach of market transactions this new regime of accumulation prompted were realized through substantial innovations in transport and information technologies. Harvey’s 2005 book, A Brief History of Neoliberalism, traces the neoliberal influence behind this shift, arguing that the transition was a political project intended to reinvigorate elite class power and capital accumulation mechanisms.
Perhaps the most recent and representative anthropological effort to further develop this perspective is Jean and John Comaroff’s “Millenial Capitalism: First Thoughts on a Second Coming” (2000). The Comaroffs argue that neoliberal globalization at the turn of the millennium is a process that alienates capital from labor and marshals consumption as the primary shaper of social and economic phenomena like popular civil society discourses, occult economies and religious movements, and global youth cultures.
Much of the anthropological literature on neoliberalism thus far has focused less on the logic and mechanisms of its production and administration (though this is increasingly a field of study, as some anthropologists turn their eyes to understanding the inner workings of institutions like the WTO, IMF, and World Bank), and more on the impact of, and resistances to, neoliberal globalization. June Nash’s Mayan Visions: The Quest for Autonomy in an Age of Globalization (2001) is a representative ethnography of this focus, as is Jeffrey Juris’s Networking Futures: The Movements Against Corporate Globalization (2008).
A second approach to globalization, coming to prominence in the early 1990s, places greater emphasis on anthropology’s most common focus of attention: culture. (See Kearney, 1995, for an excellent summary of perspectives during the early 1990s.) Many proponents of this cultural approach, while acknowledging the world’s deep history of social interaction, tend to stress the fundamental newness of the present, going so far as to describe a new global era. One of these proponents, Arjun Appadurai, writes a radical reply to center-periphery models of political economy and proposes that any framework emphasizing order in the present globalizing world is deluded. Appadurai’s Modernity at Large (1996) understands the new global era as having been brought about by a complex and rapidly changing global cultural economy of exchange. The birth of this new era was facilitated by phenomena like media and migration, and both of these have served to reorganize nationstates and mobility on a global scale. Appadurai proposes that this chaotic world be grasped through five dimensions he calls scapes, or the landscapes across which cultural flows travel: ethnoscapes, mediascapes, technoscapes, financescapes, and ideoscapes. These scapes overlap to constitute the particular lifeworlds of individuals across the world—each lifeworld being wholly individualized. In short, Appadurai posits a disorganized, centerless world in which no single view yields any grasp of larger processes—the ubiquitous flows of ideas, technologies, objects, and images constituting the global cultural economy are nonisomorphic and indeterminate.
A perspective similar to Appadurai’s, and borrowing from Ernesto Laclau, is that of Inda and Rosaldo (2008), who describe the contemporary world as “dislocated.” The use of this term is intended to emphasize that a plurality of centers serve as the hubs of cultural traffic across the globe. This perspective, as well as Appadurai’s, draws on ethnographic examinations of movements of commodities, people, and images and how these movements are perceived, translated, or appropriated by specific groups with whom they come into contact. At first glance, such movements suggest a significant imbalance in international exchange between the global North and South. Indeed, many Western, and indeed American, products like CocaCola, McDonald’s, and films are promptly visible in a variety of contexts far from Europe and North America. It is from these and other observations that analysts have often come to consider cultural imperialism as a force of homogenization that levels cultural difference throughout the world (see Tomlinson, 1991).
Yet cultural homogenization assumes that the essential meaning of a commodity or idea is consistent and universally legible—meaning that, for example, a Sri Lankan teenager will interpret an Indiana Jones film the same way a German teenager might. Subsequently, it could be inferred that the circulation of Western commodities or ideas will have predictable local effects. Anthropologists argue that there is little inevitability in such exchanges. Rather, a consumer applies her or his own cultural perspectives to the interpretation of objects and ideas, culturally tailoring them in the process. Laura Bohannan (1966) discovered as much in the 1960s when she observed a West African production, and subsequent interpretation, of Shakespeare’s Hamlet. Liebes and Katz’s The Export of Meaning: Cross-Cultural Readings of Dallas (1990) is a modern retelling of Bohannan’s experience, demonstrating how the popular American television program Dallas was quite variously received among Moroccan Jews, Russian Jews, and Arabs.
The cultural tailoring described above has, in many instances, become a rather common element of cultural interaction across the world, especially in light of myriad technological advances and their ability to radically compress time and space (see Harvey, 1989). Due to this, many researchers have come to see culture as less stabilized and more diffuse, going so far as to claim that globalization has “deterritorialized” culture.
As argued earlier, many anthropologists have historically mapped culture onto territorially demarcated places, understanding distinctiveness as a product of social structures within supposedly locally bounded spheres. Said differently, place was the container of culture. (For example, the nation-state of China contained “Chinese culture.”) Gupta and Ferguson rebuke these analyses and call for anthropologists to examine how such conceptions produce difference and reinforce unequal relations of power. They further argue that cultural forms cannot be conceptualized as being fastened to specific geographic locations. Rather, the contemporary world is characterized by the freeing of culture from specific localities, and the notion of deterritorialization captures this process.
Deterritorialization also stresses the tension central to the commonly articulated local/global dichotomy. Indeed, as individuals and groups engage with and are shaped by processes that connect their local worlds with others, cultural forms can come to have an impact regardless of whether they originate in the global North or South. Thus, the significance of non-Western cultural forms circulating in contexts outside of their origins should not be underestimated. Examples of this are everywhere visible, from the ethnic cuisine consumed in the global North, to popularly imported and exported religious beliefs like Buddhism, to non-Western modes of dress like headscarves that have engendered much debate in some European countries. This is due to the fact that while cultural forms become unfastened from one locality, they simultaneously fasten themselves to new contexts and can become highly relevant. Anthropologists cite examples like these to suggest that cultural and even political-economic exchange between the North and South can be mutually significant, or “relational” in its character. Hannerz (1996), borrowing from linguistics, referred to this relationality as the “creolization” of the core and periphery.
Further examples of this exchange are human migration and trafficking, which have left many culturally uprooted peoples “reterritorialized” in foreign lands where they navigate new ways of living with aspects of their cultural identity they have carried with them. Analysts often refer to such individuals and groups as transnational, as they move across and between national boundaries. At times, the connections between these “old” and “new” communities are so strong that anthropologists have argued they should be understood as single communities scattered in multiple localities.
Ultimately, the arguments and examples outlined above suggest that the world be viewed as a complex global society composed of interweaving cultural, political, and economic processes and forms. This is not to suggest that globalization engenders a homogenous global population, but rather to recognize the untethered nature and intensified potential of interactions between populations. Anthropologists argue that only continued heterogeneity within this global society can be assumed.
Of course, the discipline has been careful not to assume that movements are experienced by all peoples, things, and ideas or that all experience movements in the same way.
Indeed, many have argued that such processes have left areas and peoples excluded and marginalized. David Graeber (2002) made the point that processes of economic globalization like the North American Free Trade Agreement (NAFTA) have in fact tightened many national borders, and he cited numbers suggesting that since NAFTA’s inception in 1992, the number of guards along the border between the United States and Mexico has more than tripled. Moreover, anthropologists like Escobar (2001) have argued that too great a focus on the deterritorialization of culture can obscure processes of place making, as well as the fact that people continue to imagine and build cultural forms that are situated in specific localities.
As intimated earlier, the anthropological commitment to fieldwork has led many researchers to avoid nonempirical assumptions as to what globalization might be or what effects it might engender. Subsequently, the concept of globalization has been disputed by some anthropologists frustrated with its imprecise and assumptive nature. This view is summarized by Cooper (2005), who separates “global” from its affix “ization” to call attention to the term’s problematic insinuations.
The first of these pertains to the scale of globalization— namely, that it is singular and worldwide, that it is something that encompasses the earth. Cooper argues that empirical truths about the world do not reflect the notion of global interconnection. Indeed, vast stretches of the planet, most notably in sub-Saharan Africa, remain largely disconnected from the wider world. As Ferguson (2006) has noted, movements of commodities, images, and ideas tend to hop over these geographic expanses, rather than smoothly envelop them. Equally problematic, according to Cooper, is the fact that a process that is global is everywhere and immeasurable, and therefore of little analytic value.
Second, the affix suggests the “when” of globalization— that it is currently happening, that this is the “global era.” Cooper contends that one must be cautious in asserting that such mobilizations and exchanges are historically novel—or an original product of a contemporary global framework. Such an assertion ignores the fact that massive labor migrations (forced or otherwise) in the past engendered the diverse cultures with which we currently identify. In fact, Cooper has argued that movements of laborers in the 19th century were in fact more substantial than those of the present day. It is therefore more accurately stated that human mobility and interaction have been processes long defining cultures across the globe, though contemporary movements of people continue to create novel cultural dynamics and milieus. Similarly, Tsing (2000) has asserted that theories contending the absolute newness of a global era tend to obscure historical happenings that offer insight into both the past and present.
These analysts call attention to the fact that, due to its magnitude, globalization is a concept that must be imagined rather than directly experienced. Yet this is not to suggest that a singular system is out there—that it is simply a matter of lacking the proper tools to see it in its entirety. A metaphor commonly invoked to describe globalization imagines several blind men examining the extremities of an elephant. One man touches the trunk, another a tusk. Several stroke the elephant’s legs. Each man will argue that he knows what the elephant is, or how the elephant in its entirety appears. Yet due to the size of the elephant and the sensory limitations of the men, none has the ability to know it fully. The problem with this metaphor is that it assumes a singular entity—the elephant—or a coherent framework that one claims to know is there but cannot fully experience. The consensus among critical anthropologists like Cooper and Tsing disputes this, arguing that globalization is an analytic construct, not a coherent world-making system. Moreover, they argue that collecting the variety of exchanges shaping relationships in the world under a single moniker makes for an inadequate analytic category, for it fails to capture the specific mechanisms of interconnection and the histories in which they are embedded. This is a view that rejects a singular world-making system in favor of a pluralization and inconsistency of agendas, projects, and processes. These international projects may be grand in scale, but they are not uniformly consistent or all encompassing. They vary according to the terms of their creation as well as their sites of origin.
These anthropologists call for examining globalization from a critical distance, paying attention to the arguments and mechanisms by which theories of globalization are mobilized. One example of this would be to challenge the exclusively celebratory espousals of globalization—what is often referred to as the “globalist” perspective—that, through popular media information, attempt to influence ideas of wealth and mobility. The power in this information lies in its ability to reproduce a specific logic that many globalist pundits advance—that of globalization’s huge potentiality. This can be misleading, however, as the life of a farmer or laborer in the global South may be so socially and economically constrained as to prevent her from traveling to the closest major city, much less jet-set about the world.
Moreover, the critical distance approach is especially important in light of the fact that influential discourses defining globalization inform the decisions of the world’s powerbrokers, especially transnational governing bodies like the World Bank, IMF, and WTO, as well as powerful nations whose leaders read popular political pundits. It is important to emphasize here that talk about difference can move quickly about the world, mobilizing individuals and institutions to act upon it for the purposes of security, economic profit, stability, and other aspirations. In this sense, talk about globalization, when wielded by actors embedded in complex relations of power, can have very real effects in people’s everyday lives.
By way of example, a number of recent dialogues in North American academic and public circles have focused less on the homogenization of culture (or cultural imperialism) and more on cultural difference, while maintaining that a more or less singular global framework brings about foreseeable effects. This talk articulates a gray zone between globalization’s positive and negative consequences, sketching a context in which cultural heterogeneity and increasing global mobility create both opportunity and threat. These claims to know a singular global system can have powerful effects. On the one hand, recent national best sellers by popular political pundits hail globalization as a force that flattens the world, creating an even playing field for those “willing” to participate. They inform international policy at the World Economic Forum and chastise governments resisting privatization and deregulation of large industries. On the other hand, these works instill a sense of fear in the post–9/11 world, as many nations and groups are depicted as foils to global connection—their own development complicated by dated cultural beliefs and traditions that ultimately threaten to violently derail the future. Thus, while globalization has brought us closer to allies, it has also compressed the world in such a way as to make it more vulnerable to conflict and resistance. Ultimately, these are fears of difference in which cultural heterogeneity, rather than the worldwide “McDonaldization” of societies, is emphasized.
A number of anthropologists have felt compelled to respond to these conceptions of globalization. Besteman and Gusterson’s Why America’s Top Pundits Are Wrong: Anthropologists Talk Back (2005), for example, takes its inspiration from public anthropologists like Boas and Mead and wields an anthropological sensibility with ethnographic evidence to challenge the destructive myths of America’s most popular pundits writing about globalization. The volume’s chapters are written in clear and compelling language, and are thus geared toward a general audience.
Finally, some anthropologists have cast a critical eye on the theoretical underpinnings of anthropological approaches to globalization, calling attention to the problematic gendering of epistemologies attempting to capture large-scale social change. Freeman’s “Is Local: Global as Feminine: Masculine?” (2001) provocatively examines the implications of the partition of masculine macro theories of globalization (which largely ignore gender) and ethnographic approaches to globalization emphasizing locality and gender.
Globalization is a term that has, in many instances, come to replace the older and no less complex notion of “development.” In fact, Edelman and Haugerud (2005) have argued that globalization has replaced the term development as the new action word of contemporary international governance discourse. Not simply a term that describes an inevitable process that is shaping the modern world, globalization, when conflated with development, is a metapolicy guiding the way to social and economic well-being in the global South.
The replacement of development by globalization is also evident in South American contexts like Venezuela and Bolivia, where supposed antiglobalization social movements and nationalization policies have been viewed by many Northern countries and transnational organizations as detrimental to international peace and global economic stability. In contrast, these Northern governing bodies espouse state-led implementation of globalizationfriendly principles for the sake of individual nations’ prosperity, as well as prosperity for the world. Thus, it is by ultimately opening up borders and financially connecting to the wider world that nations soar themselves out of poverty and into the global marketplace, developing in the process.
The two most influential anthropological works on development, Ferguson’s The Anti-Politics Machine (1994) and Escobar’s Encountering Development (1994), challenge this widespread thinking. Ferguson argued that in fact such development schemes usually fail and in the process further embed countries in the exploitative systems that were intended to help them. Ferguson also faulted these schemes for overlooking the social and historical specificities of countries and favoring techomanagerial solutions that are generally applicable to all “developing” countries.
In his influential book, Escobar attempted to denaturalize “development” by situating it in the political aftermath of World War II, when, in 1949, President Harry Truman argued for “developed” nations of the world to systematically restructure the global South, reconfiguring the world in the image of “advanced” nations. Following
Walt Whitman Rostow and his work The Stages of Economic Growth (1960), many policymakers and social scientists in the years following Truman’s speech came to view development as the establishment of preconditions for the “take off ” from traditionality to modernity. Escobar examined how this language and categorization of development problems becomes the official knowledge of international development experts and how this expertise subsequently becomes unanchored to any political, cultural, or historical context. He ultimately argued that this categorization, or naming, of peoples and places as objects of development interventions has devastating material effects: Targeted “underdeveloped” communities are often left worse off than they were prior to the intervention, and in addition, increasingly reliant of foreign aid.
To what extent can it be said that recent transformations have changed how states govern and with what efficacy? Globalist claims have often declared the demise of the state with the dissolving of national borders and the rise of international governing institutions like the WTO, World Bank, and IMF. Yet, as Tsing (2000) noted, this idea assumes that nationstates have been historically consistent and omnipresent.
There is little doubt that the development of international law and institutions upholding it have changed the means by which many states govern their populations. However, proclamations of the global dissolving of nationstates are exaggerated, according to anthropologists. This does not mean that states have not changed at all. Indeed, contrary to the traditional doctrine of sovereignty, many states are now held accountable by international authorities and in many instances are forced to comply with their policies. The degree to which such states are actually constrained and reshaped by international institutions varies, of course, from context to context. (Merry’s 2006 overview of anthropology’s engagement with international law is instructive on the above points.) Thus, one could argue that the sovereignty of states in the present has been to a large degree reorganized, if not in many instances greatly circumscribed. Sharma and Gupta (2005), in their important volume The Anthropology of the State, argued that “sovereignty can no longer be seen as the sole purview or ‘right’ of the modern state but is, instead, partially disentangled from the nation-state and mapped onto supra-national and non-governmental organizations” (p. 7).
The shifting nature of governance and states at present comes to heavily bear on conceptions of citizenship within countries. Many anthropologists argue that globalization has reformulated many notions of and policies pertaining to citizenship. Ong (1999), for example, used the term flexible citizenship to grasp how individuals and groups deploy various strategies to evade, as well as profit from, various national regimes of citizenship. Ong argues that the elite, flexible Chinese citizens have discarded traditional notions of nationalism in favor of a “postnational ethos” that transcends national boundaries for the sake of participation in the global capitalist market.
When considering the various viewpoints outlined above, it is important to remember that anthropologists’ commitment to fieldwork and the empirical evidence it produces significantly informs their perception of the global. Said succinctly, where anthropologists work shapes their perspective on globalization. It is not surprising to find, then, that the most influential anthropologists working in sub-Saharan Africa talk of global disconnection, while many working in the metropolitan cities of India stress the interconnection brought about by a global cultural economy. Due to this, it should equally be stressed that every view of the global is always a view from somewhere. There is no perch from which an analyst can ascertain the world from an objective, comprehensive position.
Yet the contrasts in the above perspectives are highly positive in that they produce a creative tension that thwarts stagnation in favor of fresh approaches and directions for the study of globalization. One product of this tension has been an active emphasis on “studying up,” or turning a critical eye to national and international institutions and actors whose projects aim to influence social and economic change. The recent anthropological concentration on the predominate economic philosophy of the present—neoliberalism—is laudable in this regard. Important recent works—like Ong and Collier’s Global Assemblages (2005); Petryna, Lakoff, and Kleinman’s Global Pharmaceuticals (2006); and Fisher and Downey’s Frontiers of Capital (2006)—take states, transnational governing bodies like the World Bank and WTO, human rights NGOs, corporations, and even powerful individuals like the U.S. chairman of the Federal Reserve as objects of ethnographic analysis.
Furthermore, the means by which anthropologists go about examining these objects, as well as the way they write about them, is changing. The fact that anthropologists are increasingly turning their focus to the world’s powerbrokers means that they take the discourses and policies of these powerbrokers very seriously. This is all the more important because anthropologists tend to disagree with these discourses and policies and subsequently wish to dispute them. Yet in order to successfully dispute them, anthropologists must write for audiences outside of the discipline. Two works already mentioned, Why America’s Top Pundits Are Wrong and Global Shadows: Africa in the Neoliberal World Order, are prominent examples of this endeavor.
All told, the above discussion signals a much more general development in which anthropologists are increasingly seeking to bring their disciplinary perspective to bear on public discussions of globalization. Anthropology is one among many disciplines that can greatly contribute to this ongoing discussion.
Discover the world's research
A simple explainer with examples + free template.
By: Derek Jansen (MBA) | Reviewed By: Dr Eunice Rautenbach | June 2020 (Updated April 2023)
Whether you’re nearing the end of your degree and your dissertation is on the horizon, or you’re planning to apply for a PhD program, chances are you’ll need to craft a convincing research proposal . If you’re on this page, you’re probably unsure exactly what the research proposal is all about. Well, you’ve come to the right place.
Simply put, a research proposal is a structured, formal document that explains what you plan to research (your research topic), why it’s worth researching (your justification), and how you plan to investigate it (your methodology).
The purpose of the research proposal (its job, so to speak) is to convince your research supervisor, committee or university that your research is suitable (for the requirements of the degree program) and manageable (given the time and resource constraints you will face).
The most important word here is “ convince ” – in other words, your research proposal needs to sell your research idea (to whoever is going to approve it). If it doesn’t convince them (of its suitability and manageability), you’ll need to revise and resubmit . This will cost you valuable time, which will either delay the start of your research or eat into its time allowance (which is bad news).
A good dissertation or thesis proposal needs to cover the “ what “, “ why ” and” how ” of the proposed study. Let’s look at each of these attributes in a little more detail:
Your proposal needs to clearly articulate your research topic . This needs to be specific and unambiguous . Your research topic should make it clear exactly what you plan to research and in what context. Here’s an example of a well-articulated research topic:
An investigation into the factors which impact female Generation Y consumer’s likelihood to promote a specific makeup brand to their peers: a British context
As you can see, this topic is extremely clear. From this one line we can see exactly:
So, make sure that your research proposal provides a detailed explanation of your research topic . If possible, also briefly outline your research aims and objectives , and perhaps even your research questions (although in some cases you’ll only develop these at a later stage). Needless to say, don’t start writing your proposal until you have a clear topic in mind , or you’ll end up waffling and your research proposal will suffer as a result of this.
As we touched on earlier, it’s not good enough to simply propose a research topic – you need to justify why your topic is original . In other words, what makes it unique ? What gap in the current literature does it fill? If it’s simply a rehash of the existing research, it’s probably not going to get approval – it needs to be fresh.
But, originality alone is not enough. Once you’ve ticked that box, you also need to justify why your proposed topic is important . In other words, what value will it add to the world if you achieve your research aims?
As an example, let’s look at the sample research topic we mentioned earlier (factors impacting brand advocacy). In this case, if the research could uncover relevant factors, these findings would be very useful to marketers in the cosmetics industry, and would, therefore, have commercial value . That is a clear justification for the research.
So, when you’re crafting your research proposal, remember that it’s not enough for a topic to simply be unique. It needs to be useful and value-creating – and you need to convey that value in your proposal. If you’re struggling to find a research topic that makes the cut, watch our video covering how to find a research topic .
It’s all good and well to have a great topic that’s original and valuable, but you’re not going to convince anyone to approve it without discussing the practicalities – in other words:
While it’s generally not expected that you’ll have a fully fleshed-out methodology at the proposal stage, you’ll likely still need to provide a high-level overview of your research methodology . Here are some important questions you’ll need to address in your research proposal:
So, be sure to give some thought to the practicalities of your research and have at least a basic methodological plan before you start writing up your proposal. If this all sounds rather intimidating, the video below provides a good introduction to research methodology and the key choices you’ll need to make.
Now that we’ve covered the key points that need to be addressed in a proposal, you may be wondering, “ But how is a research proposal structured? “.
While the exact structure and format required for a research proposal differs from university to university, there are four “essential ingredients” that commonly make up the structure of a research proposal:
In the video below, we unpack each of these four sections, step by step.
In the video below, we provide a detailed walkthrough of two successful research proposals (Master’s and PhD-level), as well as our popular free proposal template.
How long should a research proposal be.
This varies tremendously, depending on the university, the field of study (e.g., social sciences vs natural sciences), and the level of the degree (e.g. undergraduate, Masters or PhD) – so it’s always best to check with your university what their specific requirements are before you start planning your proposal.
As a rough guide, a formal research proposal at Masters-level often ranges between 2000-3000 words, while a PhD-level proposal can be far more detailed, ranging from 5000-8000 words. In some cases, a rough outline of the topic is all that’s needed, while in other cases, universities expect a very detailed proposal that essentially forms the first three chapters of the dissertation or thesis.
The takeaway – be sure to check with your institution before you start writing.
Finding a good research topic is a process that involves multiple steps. We cover the topic ideation process in this video post.
While you typically won’t need a comprehensive literature review at the proposal stage, you still need to demonstrate that you’re familiar with the key literature and are able to synthesise it. We explain the literature review process here.
We explain how to craft a project plan/timeline and budget in Research Proposal Bootcamp .
The expectations and requirements regarding formatting and referencing vary from institution to institution. Therefore, you’ll need to check this information with your university.
We’ve create a video post about some of the most common mistakes students make when writing a proposal – you can access that here . If you’re short on time, here’s a quick summary:
As you write up your research proposal, remember the all-important core purpose: to convince . Your research proposal needs to sell your study in terms of suitability and viability. So, focus on crafting a convincing narrative to ensure a strong proposal.
At the same time, pay close attention to your university’s requirements. While we’ve covered the essentials here, every institution has its own set of expectations and it’s essential that you follow these to maximise your chances of approval.
By the way, we’ve got plenty more resources to help you fast-track your research proposal. Here are some of our most popular resources to get you started:
If you’re looking for 1-on-1 support with your research proposal, be sure to check out our private coaching service , where we hold your hand through the proposal development process (and the entire research journey), step by step.
This post is an extract from our bestselling short course, Research Proposal Bootcamp . If you want to work smart, you don't want to miss this .
I truly enjoyed this video, as it was eye-opening to what I have to do in the preparation of preparing a Research proposal.
I would be interested in getting some coaching.
I real appreciate on your elaboration on how to develop research proposal,the video explains each steps clearly.
Thank you for the video. It really assisted me and my niece. I am a PhD candidate and she is an undergraduate student. It is at times, very difficult to guide a family member but with this video, my job is done.
In view of the above, I welcome more coaching.
Wonderful guidelines, thanks
This is very helpful. Would love to continue even as I prepare for starting my masters next year.
Thanks for the work done, the text was helpful to me
Bundle of thanks to you for the research proposal guide it was really good and useful if it is possible please send me the sample of research proposal
You’re most welcome. We don’t have any research proposals that we can share (the students own the intellectual property), but you might find our research proposal template useful: https://gradcoach.com/research-proposal-template/
Cheruiyot Moses Kipyegon
Thanks alot. It was an eye opener that came timely enough before my imminent proposal defense. Thanks, again
thank you very much your lesson is very interested may God be with you
I am an undergraduate student (First Degree) preparing to write my project,this video and explanation had shed more light to me thanks for your efforts keep it up.
Very useful. I am grateful.
this is a very a good guidance on research proposal, for sure i have learnt something
Wonderful guidelines for writing a research proposal, I am a student of m.phil( education), this guideline is suitable for me. Thanks
You’re welcome 🙂
Thank you, this was so helpful.
A really great and insightful video. It opened my eyes as to how to write a research paper. I would like to receive more guidance for writing my research paper from your esteemed faculty.
Thank you, great insights
Thank you, great insights, thank you so much, feeling edified
Wow thank you, great insights, thanks a lot
Thank you. This is a great insight. I am a student preparing for a PhD program. I am requested to write my Research Proposal as part of what I am required to submit before my unconditional admission. I am grateful having listened to this video which will go a long way in helping me to actually choose a topic of interest and not just any topic as well as to narrow down the topic and be specific about it. I indeed need more of this especially as am trying to choose a topic suitable for a DBA am about embarking on. Thank you once more. The video is indeed helpful.
Have learnt a lot just at the right time. Thank you so much.
thank you very much ,because have learn a lot things concerning research proposal and be blessed u for your time that you providing to help us
Hi. For my MSc medical education research, please evaluate this topic for me: Training Needs Assessment of Faculty in Medical Training Institutions in Kericho and Bomet Counties
I have really learnt a lot based on research proposal and it’s formulation
Thank you. I learn much from the proposal since it is applied
Your effort is much appreciated – you have good articulation.
You have good articulation.
I do applaud your simplified method of explaining the subject matter, which indeed has broaden my understanding of the subject matter. Definitely this would enable me writing a sellable research proposal.
This really helping
Great! I liked your tutoring on how to find a research topic and how to write a research proposal. Precise and concise. Thank you very much. Will certainly share this with my students. Research made simple indeed.
Thank you very much. I an now assist my students effectively.
Thank you very much. I can now assist my students effectively.
I need any research proposal
Thank you for these videos. I will need chapter by chapter assistance in writing my MSc dissertation
Very helpfull
the videos are very good and straight forward
thanks so much for this wonderful presentations, i really enjoyed it to the fullest wish to learn more from you
Thank you very much. I learned a lot from your lecture.
I really enjoy the in-depth knowledge on research proposal you have given. me. You have indeed broaden my understanding and skills. Thank you
interesting session this has equipped me with knowledge as i head for exams in an hour’s time, am sure i get A++
This article was most informative and easy to understand. I now have a good idea of how to write my research proposal.
Thank you very much.
Wow, this literature is very resourceful and interesting to read. I enjoyed it and I intend reading it every now then.
Thank you for the clarity
Thank you. Very helpful.
Thank you very much for this essential piece. I need 1o1 coaching, unfortunately, your service is not available in my country. Anyways, a very important eye-opener. I really enjoyed it. A thumb up to Gradcoach
What is JAM? Please explain.
Thank you so much for these videos. They are extremely helpful! God bless!
very very wonderful…
thank you for the video but i need a written example
So far , So good!
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A global warming essay is a popular assignment in schools and colleges. Over here, our experts came up with 191 amazing titles that you can use for practice or inspiration.
📝 global warming essay structure, 🏆 best global warming research topic, 🥇 most interesting titles for global warming, 💡 good essay topics on global warming, 📌 simple & easy global warming essay titles, ❓ global warming essay questions.
If you study science, journalism, or politics, chances are that you will need to write a global warming essay at some point.
While finding things to write about shouldn’t be an issue, your paper must be structured well to receive an excellent mark. The following step-by-step process will help you to organize ideas and ensure that your essay on global warming flows logically.
If your instructor didn’t provide a list of possible topics to write about, you would need to do this yourself.
Ideally, the focus of your paper should be rather narrow, as this will allow you to demonstrate your analytical and critical thinking skills. For example, you could write about global warming causes and effects or comment on national policies that aim to prevent environmental damage.
Make sure that there are plenty of resources on your chosen subject and that it sounds interesting to you. Otherwise, the writing process will be more difficult.
There are plenty of example essays available on the Internet, so this shouldn’t take too long. While reading other people’s work, note how they structured key points. Write down any global warming essay titles that seem interesting, and then brainstorm to find an ideal name for your piece.
Once you have a title, finding resources online is easy. Be careful to select scholarly resources, such as articles from academic journals, books, and official reports.
The information contained in news articles may be biased, so try to refrain from relying on them. As you read, write out the main ideas related to your subject and any thoughts and responses you have.
The introduction should have some background information. Reserve your main arguments for the body of the paper. Each paragraph should begin with one key idea, followed by an explanation and examples. The information in the next paragraph should be connected to or follow logically from the arguments you present. This will help you to create a logical flow.
A thesis statement should reflect the focus of the work and be clear and succinct. If you are struggling with this part, ask a friend to read your outline and suggest what the main idea should be.
You can also check essay samples to see how other students structured their thesis. As you write the paper, return to your thesis to see if the content fits in with it. Do not include too much irrelevant information, as this will cost you marks.
The purpose of a global warming essay conclusion is to tie together all of your points and offer the reader a proper closure. For this reason, you should write a plan for your conclusion after you’ve mapped the rest of the paper.
Repeat your thesis statement at the beginning of the final paragraph and then offer more details by returning to the main arguments. Do not include any new resources of information in the end, as this will make your paper look unfinished!
Following the steps described above will assist you in writing an excellent, well-organized student essay on global warming! Before you begin working on your paper, check our samples – they will help you to make great global warming essay titles!
IvyPanda. (2023, October 26). 197 Global Warming Essay Titles & Examples. https://ivypanda.com/essays/topic/global-warming-essay-examples/
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A research proposal: globalisation.
The following is extracts from a research proposal: May 2003. It was awarded a Marsden award and will be the focus of my public interest research over the next three years.
Keywords : Globalisation & Trade;
SUMMARY Describe in up to 200 words the nature of your proposed research in plain English for a general audience. This summary should be able to be used for publicity purposes if the proposal is offered funding.
Globalisation has shaped the world economy for the last two centuries. It also has shaped New Zealand, as for instance when refrigeration, together with steam ships and telegraph, led to a New Zealand economy based on pastoral farming selling to Britain. While there was a period of stagnation in the globalisation process in the middle of the twentieth century, innovations such as containerisation and mass air travel revitalised the globalisation pressures after the Second World War. More recently, the information and communication technology revolution has transformed access to information and simplified international contacts. Among the consequences of these changes have been an acceleration of globalisation with less restricted trade in more goods and services, foreign investment and capital flows, the potentiality for substantial human migration (as well as the huge tourist industry), a revolution in information access, and the growth of institutions such as the IMF and the WTO which attempt to regulate international economic activity. Local cultures and the nation state are being transformed. This project will trace these impacts on New Zealand in the past, and today, looking forward to the way globalisation will impact on the future, while contributing to international scholarship on the economics of globalisation.
BACKGROUND Using only this page, give a context for the proposal by summarising in plain English the state of knowledge in the field.
There are two globalisation debates. At the popular level a plethora of articles and books tend to treat globalisation as a very recent phenomenon. The presentations are often emotional rather than analytic – they rarely define globalisation – although some are of very high quality.[1] At the scholarly level there is a progressive, analytic, international research program which identifies the globalisation phenomenon starting at least in the nineteenth century. The website www.econlit.org identifies almost 7000 items which use ‘globalisation’ or ‘globalization’ although some are repeats, some are popular or of poor quality, and some are focused on particularities.
This project defines globalisation as the consequence of reductions in the costs of distance . This causal-based definition encompasses the OECD phenomenon-based definition of ‘geographical dispersion of industrial and service activities and the cross-border networking of companies’, and includes other phenomena such as migration, technology transfer, capital mobility, and institutions such as the IMF and WTO.
There is frequent mention of transport costs (the most obvious cost of distance) in some of the most interesting globalisation literature,[2] but they are not always given prominence. This focus on reducing costs of distance reflects a standard economic approach of examining the impact of an exogenous change – in this case of transportation technology – on the economy using analytic models. There are few studies which formally model the impact.[3] Where transport costs are prohibitive (as they were for the un-preserved meat around the world before refrigeration) the analytic model is identical to that which studies a prohibitive tariff. Where there is already some trade, the fall in transport costs is either equivalent to a tariff reduction coupled with a productivity gain (as resources are released from the reduced transport costs) or a terms of trade gain.
There have been recent extensions to the standard model of international trade where economies of scale exist (lower costs of distance make it easier to achieve them). They predict intra-industry trade (about a quarter of world trade today, up from almost nothing 50 years ago).[4] Even more disturbing – in terms of traditional theory – the trade points may be indeterminate, while the theory predicts the existence of successful exporting firms which are not obviously advantaged by being in their base country. [3],[4],[5],[6] This has led to considerable theoretical turmoil in trade thinking including such developments as strategic trade theory,[4] and competitive advantage.[6] New Zealand has one of the lowest levels of intra-industry trade among the rich OECD.[7] Another important theoretical development has been a concern with factor mobility – traditional trade theory assumes there is none. This is not just a matter of capital mobility (e.g. foreign direct investment and international capital flows) and labour mobility but also of technology which needs to be re-evaluated in terms of recent research developments including the theory of endogenous technology and information.[8]
Perhaps too, transport costs can be treated as a transaction cost so that part of the standard economics paradigm has some relevance.[9] This possible theoretical extension has only been recently identified, and has yet to be explored, so its promise is tentative.
In summary, international economic relations have become much more complicated in the last fifty years, and economic theory is struggling to adapt. On the whole New Zealand thinking has lagged behind these developments, despite the country’s past and future being fundamentally dependent on the course of globalisation.
References [1] Examples of interesting work are Cairncross, F. (2001) The Death of Distance , Texere, London. Soros, G. (1998) The Crisis of Global Capitalism , Perseus, New York. Stiglitz, J. (2002) Globalisation and Its Discontents , W.W. Norton & Co, New York. [2] Examples of interesting work are O’Rourke, K.H. & J.G. Williamson (1999) Globalization and History , MIT Press, Boston. (Both authors have many other articles on related topics.) Schwarz, H. M. (2000) States Versus Markets: The Emergence of the Global Economy , St Martin’s Press, New York. [3] Krugman, P. & A.J. Venables (1995) ‘Globalization and the Inequality of Nations’, Quarterly Journal of Economics , Vol CX, Issue 4 (November 1995) p.857-880. [4] Helpman, E. & P. Krugman (1985) Market Structure and Foreign Trade , MIT Press, Cambridge, MA. Helpman, E. & P. Krugman (1989) Trade Policy and Market Structure , MIT Press, Cambridge, MA. Helpman E. (1994) Technology and Trade , Working Paper 4926, NBER, Cambridge, MA. Davis, D. “Intraindustry trade: A Heckscher-Ohlin –Ricardo Approach”, Journal of International Economics , 39 (November 1995) p.201-226. [5] Gormory, R.E. & W.J. Baumol (2000) Global Trade and Conflicting National Interests , MIT Press, Cambridge, MA. [6] Porter, M.E. (1990) The Competitive Advantage of Nations , Macmillan, London. [7] Bano, S. (2002) Intra-Industry Trade and Trade Intensities: Evidence from New Zealand . Working Paper 5/02, Department of Economics, University of Waikato. [8] Easton, B.H. (2003?) Transforming New Zealand (in preparation) reviews endogenous growth theory and suggests how it needs to be adapted to a small open economy such as New Zealand. [9] Williamson, O. (1985) The Economic Institutions of Capitalism: Firms, Markets, Rational Contracting , The Free Press, New York.
OVERALL AIM OF THE RESEARCH Using only this page, state the general goals and specific objectives of the research proposal. Emphasise how the research will advance knowledge and increase understanding.
The general goals of this research program are to:
1. Write a book Diminishing Distance: New Zealand in a Globalising World for an international and local audience, with New Zealand as the case study. The proposed structure of the book is described in Section 6.
2 Involve New Zealand in the international scholarly debate on globalisation. Wherever possible the program will link with overseas scholars working on globalisation.
3 Contribute to the international scholarly debate on globalisation by adding the New Zealand experience and by extending some of the analytic models.
4 Help build a scholarly community in New Zealand, involving a variety of disciplines, concerned with globalisation.
5 Where possible, transfer key elements of the scholarly debate on globalisation to the popular debate and to the policy process in New Zealand.
The specific scholarly objectives of the project include the production within the three years of the following scholarly outputs:
(i) A manuscript ready for a publisher of the proposed book Diminishing Distance: New Zealand in a Globalising World .
(ii) At least one article on the analytics of globalisation/reduced distant costs in a suitable scholarly journal.
(iii) At least one article on the political economy of globalisation in a suitable scholarly journal.
(iv) Two articles on distance and New Zealand economic history in suitable scholarly journals.
(v) At least one article on culture, nationalism and globalisation in a suitable scholarly journal.
(vi) At least one article on the role of international institutions in a suitable scholarly journal.
(vii) The establishment of a (probably virtual) New Zealand Centre for Globalisation Studies.
(viii) The promotion of some related research projects, such as the diaspora study and the applied general equilibrium modelling discussed in the next section.
(ix) The presentation of learned papers – essentially preliminary versions of the above publications – to a variety of New Zealand learned conferences, across a number of disciplines (including cultural studies, economics, geography, history, labour studies, and politics) and also to some relevant overseas learned conferences.
Additionally , the project hopes to attain the following not-so-scholarly but nevertheless important specific objectives by
(x) Influencing of public perceptions on globalisation.
(xi) Publishing of a variety of articles and present various public lectures for popular audiences on globalisation and its significance to New Zealand.
(xii) Contributing to public policy by improving policy-makers’ understanding of the globalisation process and the implications for New Zealand.
(xiii) Holding a (self-funding) conference (probably in the third year) which will bring together the scholarly and popular threads on globalisation, and in which policy makers will also be involved.
PROPOSED RESEARCH This section should cover where appropriate the hypotheses being tested, the methodology to be used, sampling design, and methods of data analysis. Please use a MAXIMUM of 3 pages.
The proposed structure of the book is as follows: Part I: introduction; Part II: nineteenth and twentieth century globalisation; Part III: trade, industries and firms; Part IV: capital, investment, finance; Part V: people mobility, migration, diasporas, consumer mobility; Part VI: technology and information access; Part VII: sectoral issues; Part VIII: distributional issues; Part IX: policy convergence? taxation, regulation, the welfare state; Part X: culture and identity in a globalised world; Part XI: the future of the nation state and supra-nationality; Part XII: conclusion
The first year will consolidate work already done and make progress in the following areas, although there will be an overlap with work in later years.
1.1 Development of analytic models of the impact of changes in the costs of distance. Initially this will be a report/series of lectures suitable for an advanced economics class (discussions with suitable economics departments are underway). This should lead to at least one learned journal submission. Note that the standard model involves fixed factors. Factor mobility will be investigated in the second year. Work on the possible relevance of transaction costs type models will be preliminary with the expectation the main work will be done in Year Two.[1] [2] [3] [4]
(1.2 Prepare application for research funding of Applied General Equilibrium model to explore the impact of changes in the cost of distance on the cost of structure of the economy. Because the cost of distance varies by commodity and factors as do changes to it, it impacts differently on different tradeable sectors (just as refrigeration did not impact on the grain sector, except by displacement). Only an AGE can explore the quantitative magnitudes. It is proposed to seek funding using the two functioning New Zealand AGE models. This research applicant’s role will be entrepreneurial and supervisory, and his time on the work will be charged to the Marsden grant. The implementation of the AGE model will throw light on the analytic model.) [5] [6] [7]
1.3 Collection of measures of the cost of transport through time. International examples have been collected, but there will also be a systematic attempt to collect a historical data series for New Zealand including freighting goods, travel and telecommunications. (The OECD has recently been using the ratio of c.i.f to c.o.b as a measure for goods.)
1.4 Write a long essay on the Economic History of Nineteenth Century New Zealand from a costs of distance perspective. ( New Zealand Journal of History ?) Williamson and O’Rourke’s Globalisation and History and Blainey’s The Tyranny of Distance are key here. (1.3 is a part of the exercise.) [8] [9]
1.5 Trade issues, especially transport and agricultural protection. As well as a general survey on the impact of costs of distance on trade, the perspective promises new insights into protection practices. To what extent can the rise in protection in the nineteenth century and the fall in the late twentieth be explained by reducing costs of distance? Can the different experience of agricultural trade be explained, in part, by the fact that one factor (land with climate) is not mobile? [5] [6]
While regional structure is not a primary focus of the study, and (probably) not as important in New Zealand as elsewhere, material on the phenomenon will be gathered and will be incorporated in the essay of 1.4 and 3.1. [3] [10] [11] [12]
2.1 As well as advancing any incomplete work from the previous year, year two will focus on extensions of the standard trade model into areas which are crucial to overall globalisation – factor mobility and economy of scale. [1] [2] [3] [4]
2.2 Hopefully the Applied General Equilibrium modelling project will be active this year.
2.2 Systematic investigation of whether the transaction costs models can be used by treating the costs of distance as a transactions cost. [13] [14]
2.3 People mobility issues. There is a robust international research program on labour mobility. The project does not expect to add anything innovative but to apply its conclusions to New Zealand. However the diaspora study (below) promises to add to the understanding of the implications of increased people mobility. There is also the phenomenon of international consumer mobility, where the consumer visits the producer as in the case of tourism and – more recently – education and advanced health care. [1] [2] [3] [15] [16]
(2.4 It is proposed to contribute to diaspora studies using the KEA (Kiwi Expatriates’ Association) data base to survey its members electronically to get a sense of what sorts of contacts the offshore ‘diaspora’ maintain with New Zealand. Reducing distance costs can make a person’s ‘location’ ambiguous as when they are living in more than one country. Funding will be sought in Year Two. The research applicant’s role will be similar to that for the AGE modelling.)
2.5 Capital, investment, finance mobility issues. Again the project does not expect to add anything innovative to the international research program but to apply its conclusions to New Zealand. (However, given the recent calls from very reputable commentators – most recently The Economist – for restrictions on certain sorts of capital flows, this area needs to be closely monitored.) [8] [17]
2.6 Technology issues. Technology is very mobile compared to all other ‘factors’ (with the exception of information). It is not clear whether the project will be able to progress the international debate rather than monitor it and apply it to New Zealand. A particularly relevant issue is that of international technology transfer (i.e. technologies generated in one country and transferred to another). This will have to be closely studied, as will the accompanying phenomenon of the globalisation of intellectual property rights. [8] [16]
2.7 Information Access Issues. It is planned to treat information access issues as distinct from technology issues, although they may be closely related. The most important reductions in the cost of distance in the last quarter century have come from the information and communications technology revolution. Just as refrigeration changed the nineteenth century structure of the New Zealand economy – indeed the development path of New Zealand – perhaps the ICT revolution may have a similar impact in the future by changing New Zealand’s global connectedness. [1] [2] [3]
2.8 Sectoral Issues. This is a generalisation from the previous point of particular changes in the costs of distance changing the sectoral balance of the economy. The program has already noted how parts of the service industry are now more like manufacturing in that their are cost rather than consumer determined. [1] [2] [3] [7] [18]
2.9 Industries and Firms. At this stage it is not clear that the project can make any great theoretical contribution to the intra-industry trade (although much of the literature overlooks the extent to which falls in the cost of distance enable economies of scale to be reaped – there may be a nice little paper here). The main activity of the project will be to apply these theoretical insights to New Zealand. It should be possible to do some, admittedly quick, industry or firm studies. [1] [2] [3] [19]
2.10 Distributional Issues. There is a large literature on globalisation’s impact on the aggregate income distribution. The researcher has already investigated this in New Zealand, and the work will be updated. Additionally, insufficient attention has been paid to the sectoral-factor level. The formal models discussed earlier can be easily extended to tease out this phenomenon. [20] [21]
3.1 A long essay, rewriting the Economic History of Twentieth Century New Zealand from a globalisation perspective. [7] [8] [22]
3.2 Policy Convergence and the Future of the Nation State. There is a view that globalisation will limit the interventionist abilities of nation states by driving each towards a minimalist state. This thesis will be explored in regard to the Welfare State, taxation and regulation. [21] [22] [23] [24]
3.3 Culture and Nationalism. European nationalism developed in the nineteenth century with the rise of globalisation. On the other hand it is possible that there will be a cultural convergence or that cultures will cease to be locality based but belong to groups (such as teenagers, or professions). [22] [25] [26] [27] [28]
3.4 Hopefully, the diaspora survey will be implemented.
3.5 Supranational Institutions: Just as nineteenth century reductions in the costs of distance strengthened the regulatory scope of the nation state, the twentieth century reductions seem to be creating supra-national equivalents such as the IMF and the WTO, which like their early nineteenth century are not particularly democratic.
3.6 Possible scenarios of globalisation over the next few decades. Hopefully the study will allow us to predict the future a little better.
3.7 By the third year it should have been possible to establish a (virtual?) New Zealand Centre for Globalisation Studies as a means of focussing New Zealand activity with international scholarship. Alternative sources of funding for its maintenance will be sought.
3.9 It is proposed to hold a conference on globalisation in the third year. It will have scholarly, popular and policy streams. It will be self-funded.
3.10 The manuscript for the book should be completed by the end of the third year.
It should be emphasised that the existing and proposed research program does not have a policy agenda with a prior policy position. Indeed, it is constantly surprised by policy implications of the findings. [16] [29] [30] [31]
Priority will also given to making the results available to the public and policy makers in addition to being involved in the local and international scholarly debates. The funding includes an allowance for appropriate overseas travel to meet foreign scholars and attend relevant conferences.
References The following is a list of publications by the researcher which are related to the specific item in the Section. # indicates the item is currently only published on this website. * indicates published items which are not on the website. For items on the website look under the Globalisation Index . [1] ‘Towards an Analytic Framework for Globalisation’, Journal of Economic and Social Policy (preliminary acceptance) # [2] New Zealand in A Globalised World # [3] Globalisation: The Consequences in the Reductions in the Cost of Distance # [4] Abstract of Globalisation Research Proposal for Marsden Fund Application, 2003 . # [5] The World Food Economy and Its Impact on New Zealand , NZIER Working Paper 94/22, 1994.* [6] ‘The Treatment of New Zealand in ASE Models of the World Food System’, Proceedings of the Sixteenth Annual Conference of the New Zealand Branch of the Australian Agricultural Economics Society (AERU Discussion Paper, 1991)* [7] Economy Wide Models of New Zealand , NZIER Research Paper No 33, 1986.* [8] In Stormy Seas: The Post-war New Zealand Economy (University of Otago Press, 1997) [9] Towards a Political Economy of New Zealand: The Tectonics of History (Hocken Library, 1994) [10] Canterbury and Globalisation # [11] Low Politics: Local Government and Globalisation # [12] ‘Auckland in a Globalised World’, Proceedings of the Sustainable Auckland Congress , (ARC, 2002) [13] ‘Is the Resource Management Act Sustainable?’ Planning Quarterly , June 1998, p.5-8. [14] ‘Applying More-Market to the Environment’ in The Commercialisation of New Zealand (Auckland University Press, 1997) p.36-43. (References [13] & [14] illustrate the researchers familiarity with the transaction cost analysis.) [15] ‘Globalisation and the Labour Market’, Labour Employment and Work in New Zealand: Proceedings of the Tenth Conference (Department of Geography, VUW, 2003) (in press)# [16] Transforming New Zealand (in preparation)# [17] Iraq, Oil and the US Dollar # [18] Deindustrialisation of New Zealand,’ Labour Employment and Work in New Zealand: Proceedings of the Eighth Conference (Department of Geography VUW, 1999) p.38-46. [19] The External Impact on the Family Firm # [20] What has Happened in New Zealand to Income Distribution and Poverty Levels,’ S. Shaver & P. Saunders (ed) Social Policy for the 21st Century: Justice and Responsibility (SPRC, Sydney, 1999) Vol 2, p.55-66. [21] ‘Income Distribution’, in B. Silverstone, A. Bollard, & R. Lattimore (eds) A Study of Economic Reform: The Case of New Zealand , (North Holland, 1996) p.101-138. [22] The Nationbuilders (Auckland University Press, 2001) [23] ‘Globalisation and a Welfare State’, in D. Lamberton (ed) Managing the Global, Globalisation, Employment, and Quality of Life , (I.B. Taurus, 2001) p.163-168. [24] Globalization and a Welfare State # [25] ‘Economic Globalisation and National Sovereignty’, in R. Miller (ed) New Zealand Government and Politics , 2ed (OUP, in press) [26] ‘Different Kinds of Countries and Cities: The Distances Between Them’, Cultures of the Commonwealth , No 9. Spring 2003, p.25-34. [27] ‘Economic Globalisation and National Sovereignty’, in R. Miller (ed) New Zealand Government and Politics (OUP, 2001) p.14-24. [28] ‘Globalization and Local Cultures: An Economist’s Perspective’, J. Davies (ed) Globalisation and Local Cultures: Emerging Issues for the 21st Century (NZ UNESCO, 1997), p.20-27. [29] The Commercialisation of New Zealand (Auckland University Press, 1997) [30] The Whimpering of the State: Policy after MMP (Auckland University Press, 1999) [31] Tractatus Developmentalis Economica #
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Overall Summary of Fiscal Year 2023 Progress Across Feed the Future Innovation Labs
USAID partners with Title XII universities on a wide range of topics to leverage the advanced capacities of U.S. universities, including on agricultural research and development, analytics, climate change, and nutrition. Many of these partnerships are within the Feed the Future Innovation Labs (FTFILs), which focus on research to reduce hunger, poverty, and malnutrition as part of the U.S. government’s Global Food Security Strategy. In Fiscal Year (FY) 2023, the 22 FTFILs, supported by 83 U.S. colleges and universities in 39 states and U.S. territories, partnered with over 130 international institutions of higher education in 39 countries. These partnerships include both research and degree programs.
The FTFILs provide degree training to support the sustainability of food systems, agricultural and nutrition research, and development activities while helping develop the next generation of scientists. In FY 2023, the 22 FTFILs supported food security degree training for 305 individuals (47 percent female). Innovation Labs also provided 611 people with nutrition-related professional training (50 percent female), including 19 nutrition-related degrees.1 Innovation Labs hosted 33 exchange visitors in food and agriculture at U.S. universities, including doctoral and master’s degree candidates, research scholars, non-degree students, and short-term scholars.2 In FY 2023, the FTFILs reported production of 178 peer-reviewed scientific publications.
A FTFIL partners meeting was held in Nairobi, Kenya on May 15–19, 2023. The purpose of the meeting was to understand geographic differences, priorities, and trade-offs of climate change and embrace opportunities for local leadership and international collaboration.
A FTFIL annual meeting was convened in Washington, D.C., on September 12–14, 2023. The purpose of the meeting was to understand differing contextual approaches, priorities, and implications of inclusive gender research in agricultural innovation and development; spotlight systems and scaling obstacles while promoting transformative, equitable solutions; and seize opportunities for gender-focused leadership and global collaboration in driving inclusive innovation for improved livelihoods. Sessions included presentations on FTFIL approaches to innovate for social transformation, mainstream gender into traditional research agendas and scaling formulas, redirect innovation that could exacerbate inequality, and partner with minority-serving institutions (MSIs) for improved innovation, scaling, and local engagement.
Every year Congress asks the U.S. Agency for International Development (USAID) to submit a series of reports on various matters of concern. In an effort to provide a maximum of transparency to the general public, these reports are now being made available at this web site.
Child wasting, fy 2024.
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USAID partners with Title XII universities on a wide range of topics to leverage the advanced capacities of U.S. universities, including on agricultural research and development, analytics, climate change, and nutrition. Many of these partnerships are within the Feed the Future Innovation Labs (FTFILs), which focus on research to reduce hunger, poverty, and malnutrition as part of the U.S ...