essay quaid e azam muhammad ali jinnah

Essay On Quaid-e-Azam 200 & 500 Words For Students

200 Words Essay On Quaid E Azam

Introduction.

Quaid-e-Azam Muhammad Ali Jinnah, the esteemed founder of Pakistan, was a charismatic leader whose pivotal role in the creation of an independent nation for Muslims in the Indian subcontinent remains indelible. His exceptional qualities and unwavering determination continue to inspire individuals to this day. This essay sheds light on the unique and captivating attributes of Quaid-e-Azam that made him an iconic figure in Pakistan’s history.

Visionary Leadership

Quaid-e-Azam’s visionary leadership served as a beacon of hope for millions. With resolute conviction, he envisioned a separate homeland where Muslims could live with dignity and freedom. His farsightedness, coupled with his ability to articulate the aspirations of the people, inspired a sense of unity and purpose among his followers.

Unyielding Determination

Quaid-e-Azam’s determination knew no bounds. Despite facing formidable challenges, he remained steadfast in his pursuit of a separate nation. His resolute stance during negotiations with the British and his unwavering commitment to the cause of independence were instrumental in realizing the dream of Pakistan.

Charismatic Persona

Quaid-e-Azam possessed a magnetic personality that captivated the masses. His eloquence, grace, and dignified demeanor left an indelible impression on all who encountered him. His ability to connect with people from all walks of life made him an influential leader and an inspiration for generations to come.

Defender of Rights

Quaid-e-Azam was a staunch advocate for the rights of all individuals. He firmly believed in upholding justice, equality, and freedom for every citizen. His tireless efforts to protect the rights of minorities and marginalized communities showcased his unwavering commitment to building a just and inclusive society.

Quaid-e-Azam’s visionary leadership, indomitable spirit, and commitment to justice continue to inspire and guide Pakistan toward a brighter future. His legacy remains a testament to his remarkable character and enduring impact.

500 Words Essay On Quaid E Azam

Introduction:.

Quaid-e-Azam, Muhammad Ali Jinnah, stands as the eminent founding father of Pakistan. His influential role in the creation of Pakistan and his exceptional leadership during the independence movement has shaped the destiny of the nation. This essay delves into the remarkable life and achievements of Quaid-e-Azam, presenting a captivating account of his invaluable contributions to the birth of Pakistan.

Early Life and Education

Born into a privileged family on December 25, 1876, Quaid-e-Azam hailed from Karachi, which was then part of British India. His family background instilled in him a sense of dignity and honor. With a strong educational foundation, he pursued his studies in Karachi and later moved to England to refine his legal education at Lincoln’s Inn. Quaid-e-Azam’s unwavering dedication and commitment to his work as a lawyer earned him immense respect among his peers.

Political Career

Quaid-e-Azam’s journey in politics commenced with his early association with the Indian National Congress, where he sought to advocate for the rights of all Indians. However, growing disillusionment with Congress’s inability to protect the interests of Muslims led Quaid-e-Azam to part ways and spearhead the All India Muslim League. Under his astute leadership, he aimed to unite the fragmented Muslim population and secure their rightful place in the Indian subcontinent.

Demand for Pakistan

Quaid-e-Azam’s historic Fourteen Points and the Lahore Resolution are emblematic of his resolute determination to establish an independent Muslim state. He envisaged a land where Muslims could thrive and flourish without fear of marginalization. His unwavering commitment and persuasive negotiations with the British and Congress paved the way for the creation of Pakistan on August 14, 1947.

Leadership during the Independence Movement

As the leader of the Muslim League, Quaid-e-Azam emerged as a skilled diplomat and negotiator during the tumultuous partition process. Despite facing numerous challenges, he navigated the delicate political landscape with remarkable resilience, ensuring the rights and protection of minority communities. His indomitable spirit and steadfast leadership provided the strength needed to overcome the trials of independence.

Vision for Pakistan

Quaid-e-Azam’s vision for Pakistan was rooted in democratic values, inclusivity, and social justice. He championed the cause of religious freedom and emphasized the importance of equality among all citizens. Through his impassioned speeches and addresses, he outlined his vision for a modern, progressive, and prosperous Pakistan, where every individual had the opportunity to succeed.

Quaid-e-Azam’s enduring legacy remains etched in the fabric of Pakistan’s history. His contributions to nation-building, such as the drafting of the country’s constitution, continue to shape the nation’s trajectory. As Pakistan’s first Governor-General, he nurtured unity and stability during the early years, setting a precedent for future leaders.

In conclusion, Quaid-e-Azam Muhammad Ali Jinnah’s exceptional leadership and visionary guidance played a pivotal role in the creation of Pakistan. His unwavering commitment to the rights of Muslims and his relentless pursuit of a separate homeland have left an indelible mark on the nation. Today, Pakistan stands as a testament to Quaid-e-Azam’s principles, serving as a source of inspiration for generations to come. As we remember his illustrious legacy, we must strive to uphold the values of unity, equality, and progress that he ardently advocated.

Essay On Quaid E Azam 2023 Urdu/English (200 & 500 Words)

Quaid-e-Azam is the most outstanding leader of our history. During the establishment of Pakistan, he was remembered as an influential leader who brought Islam from slumber by calling for Muslims to live according to Islam’s teachings without Hindu influence.

His real name was Muhammad Ali Jinnah; he was born into wealth on 25th December 1876 near Karachi, where he spent most days reading books about law at home. He collected all the Muslims on one platform. He created a spirit of unity and fought against Hindus and the British.

His battle was peaceful, but his enemies tried to purchase him with money instead of asking for peace or any other form of negotiation that would have ended in compromise rather than bloodshed; he remained unyielding when faced by these offers, which often included large sums from wealthy merchants as well as promises from higher officials who Britain himself had appointed.

A man filled with great determination , Jinnah worked very hard for Pakistan despite his failing health – even making numberless speeches demanding separation into an independent state where Islam could be practiced freely without fear under appropriate legislation guided not only towards Muslims but also their Hindu counterparts too according to equality before the law itself.

Essay on Quaid e Azam – 500 Words

Muhammad Ali Jinnah is the founder of Pakistan. He was a great leader with an ambitious vision for his people and their land, which he never stopped fighting to make happen – even from behind prison bars in London during WWII! Born on December 25th, 1876, in Karachi.

Mr. Poonja Jinnah ‘s eldest son grew up being groomed as heir apparent by both parents; though it would be ultimately his father who sent him off at age 16 to study law abroad- first England, then later Lincoln Inn where Muhammad passed Bar-at-Law before returning home only two years later feeling fully qualified to take over managing family business interests when necessary but also ready open own legal practice if desired upon return Muhammad Ali Jinnah became one of. After four years of exile in London, Muhammad Ali Jinnah returned to his Bombay law firm.

He quickly became a successful lawyer and by 1900 was appointed magistrate for the region’s presidency. During this time, he noticed that while both Hindus and Muslims were united against England, it seemed like Hindu leaders had their interests at heart rather than those of India as a whole.

To join with other Indian groups who shared similar beliefs about British colonization – namely Muslim ones – Quaid-e-Azam left behind practicing law on behalf of Indians living abroad (a job which would be crucial later) so that he could take up leadership positions among organizations whose goals aligned more closely with what came to form Pakistan’s identity.

The Quaid-e-Azam , or “Great Leader,” was a human rights activist who dedicated his life to the liberation of Pakistan. He worked for Muslims in India and presented their concerns with fourteen eloquent points rejected by Congress.

His efforts did not go unrewarded; after enduring many hardships, he remained steadfast in achieving freedom for Muslim people, known as East Pakistan (now Bangladesh). During this time, Quaid’s speeches affirmed all aspects of what would become an independent state: its culture, language, economy – everything from top to bottom.

Muhammad Ali Jinnah was a thin and lean man but he had great qualities of head and heart. He overcame his frail body with determination, courage, faithfulness to the cause for which Pakistan would be created- namely that there should never again exist in this world any discrimination against Muslims on account of their being followers of Islam or because they live in a part of the world called Asia; nor will anyone have power evermore to humiliate them as long as they preserve these cardinal principles: Unity – Discipline – Faith.

Muhammad Ali Jinnah possessed all three attributes–unity, discipline, and faith. This drove him day after day towards achieving his goal-a a Muslim country where people are treated equally regardless if they were religious or not. 

He had a powerful, resolute voice and an unshakable sense of conviction. “An impossible man,” Gandhi called him. Then the Pakistan Resolution was drafted at Minar e Pakistan in Lahore in 1934, which was the backbone for Pakistan’s freedom struggle. He died on September 11, 1948.

Essay on Quaid e Azam – 850 Words

In Karachi, the great leader & founder of Pakistan, Quaid e Azam Mohammad Ali Jinnah, was born on December 25, 1876. 

Quaid-e-Azam was a great politician and well-known lawyer of his time. He was the son of a wealthy Gujarati merchant named Jinnahbhai Poonja. Before Muhammad Ali Jinnah was born, Poonja Jinnah moved to Karachi.

Muhammad Ali Jinnah fought for the freedom of the Muslims of the sub-continent. His achievements were recognized by the title “Quaid-e-Azam” (the father of the nation) by Maulana Mazharuddin.

Jinnah lived in Bombay with an aunt and may have attended the GokalDas Tej Primary School before going to the Cathedral and John Connon School. He participated at the Sindh-Madrasa-Tul-Islam and the Christian Missionary Society High School.

After completing his higher education in England, he was admitted to the Lincoln’s Inn law school in London.

His mother passed away during his stay in England. Within three years

He was invited by the advocate general of Bombay to join his bar and offered him 1500 rupees a month, which was a substantial sum a decade ago. 

Still, he refused this offer and stated that he would earn 1500 per day through his impeccable efforts. However, he set 1 rupee as his monthly salary as governor-general of a newly declared Pakistan. His character was sensible and reasonable.

As a member of the largest Indian political organization, Jinnah joined the Indian National Congress in 1906. He then joined the Muslim League seven years later.

He tried hard to bring Congress and the Muslim League together, but he realized that under the British and Hindus, the Muslims of the subcontinent were losing their cultural and social freedoms.

To create a state where Muslims could feel a sense of freedom, he began fighting for the independence of Muslims in British India.

In this freedom war, unity among Muslim organizations was the most critical factor, and we enjoy a state of independence and are free to practice our religion as we wish.

Pakistan was established due to the bloodshed of thousands of freedom fighters and Jinnah’s leadership. The country wouldn’t have existed without him.

A man of his words, he was always as firm as a rock in the face of enemies and never faltered. Gandhi’s title “Impossible Man” was given to Gandhi due to his determination over his policies.

In 1930, he became the authoritative leader of all the Muslims in the subcontinent, and he led the Muslim League from 1933 to 1935.

Muhammad Ali Jinnah founded Dawn , a newspaper significant for delivering the League’s perspective, in 1941. 

After becoming president of the Muslim League, Jinnah was drawn into a conflict between a pro-Congress and a pro-British faction. Jinnah believed the state of Pakistan should be based on authentic Islamic culture, civilization, and national identity rather than a theocratic interpretation of Islam.

Independence & Resolution:

The Muslim League wrote the Pakistan Resolution in Lahore in 1940, which was declared the backbone of the struggle for an independent Pakistan.

He sacrificed not for his business for the entire Muslim Nation but the Pakistan Resolution. His health was deteriorating day by day as he worked day and night.

His aggressive leadership and vigorous efforts resulted in Pakistan’s creation on August 14, 1947.

August 15, 1947, marked the first day of the rise of the independent state of Pakistan under Quaid-e-Azam. The new responsibilities were like a bed of thrones to him.

Jinnah is regarded as Pakistan’s founding father, a man devoted to safeguarding Muslim interests during the dying days of the British Raj. Most of the Pakistanis take Jinnah as a hero and an inspiration.

A Statesman:

If Jinnah’s stay in London was the sowing phase, the first decade in Bombay after returning from England was the germination stage, and the next decade (1906-1916) was the vintage stage; this was also the period of ideological thinking, as he was a romantic both in personal and political life. Jinnah came out of his shell. 

The limelight shone on him; he was blossoming as a lawyer and a politician. As a political child during the first decade of the century, Jinnah had become a political giant when Gandhi returned to India from South Africa. 

Since his early years in London, Jinnah has been fascinated by the world of politics. He was deeply impressed by Dadabhai, a Parsi from Bombay. 

When Jinnah returned to India, he entered the world of politics as a Liberal nationalist and joined the Congress Party despite his father’s anger at him leaving the family business. 

Jinnah attended the 20th annual session of the Congress in Bombay for the first time in December 1904. 

It was presided over by Pherozshah Mehta, a great admirer of Jinnah. Mehta suggested that two of his disciples be sent to London as Congress deputies at that time to observe the political arena there. 

A. Jinnah and Gopal Krishna Gokhale, whose wisdom and moderation he also admired, were his choices for the job.

Although he struggled with tuberculosis over the years, he never let it become a vulnerability, and he died on September 11, 1948, just 13 months after our motherland was created.

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محمد علی جناح پاکستان کے بانی اور بابائے قوم تھے۔ انھوں نے اپنی زندگی کا بڑا حصہ ہندوستان کی آزادی اور مسلمانوں کے حقوق کی جدوجہد میں صرف کر دیا۔ وہ ایک ہمہ جہت شخص تھے جو سیاست، قانون اور قوم سازی میں کامیاب ہوئے تھے۔ وہ اپنی قوم کو اکٹھا کرنے اور پاکستان بنانے والے سب سے بڑے قائدین میں سے ایک تھے ۔

جناح 1876 میں کراچی میں پیدا ہوئے اور ابتدائی تعلیم وہیں سے حاصل کی۔ وہ لنکن کالج سے گریجوایشن کرنے والے سب سے کم عمر وکیل تھے۔ آپ نے اپنے پیشہ ورانہ کیرئیر کا آغاز بمبئ سے کیا۔ انہوں نے 1905 میں آل انڈیا کانگریس کے ساتھ سیاست میں قدم رکھا اور 1910 میں امپیریل لیجسلیٹو کونسل کا حصہ بنے۔ وہ 1916 میں مسلم لیگ میں شامل ہوئے اور جلد ہی اسکی قیادت کرنے لگے۔ وہ برطانیہ، ہندوستانی نیشنل کانگریس، ہندوستانی مسلم لیگ کی جانب سے تقریریں کرتے رہے۔ وہ ھندوستان کی آزادی کے لیے برطانیہ پر دباؤ ڈالتے رہے۔

 جناح نے ایک پلیٹ فارم پر مسلمانوں کو منظم کرنےکے لئے خود کو وقف کردیا۔ انہوں نے ملک گیر دوروں کا آغاز کیا اور صوبائی مسلم رہنماؤں سے التجا کی کہ وہ اپنے اختلافات کو ختم کریں اور لیگ میں شامل ہو جائیں ۔ انہوں نے مسلم عوام کو اپنے آپ کو منظم کرنے اور لیگ میں شامل ہونے کی تلقین کی۔ انہوں نے گورنمنٹ آف انڈیا ا یکٹ 1935 کے حوالے سے مسلمانوں کے سیاسی جذبات کو ہم آہنگ کیا اور واضح سمت فراہم کی ۔

قائداعظم نے ہمیشہ واضح الفاظ میں دعوی کیا کہ “ہم ا یک قوم ہیں”۔ ہم اپنی مخصوص ثقافت اور تہذیب ، زبان و ادب ، آرٹ اور فن تعمیر ، ناموراقدار کے احساس کی حامل ا یک قوم ہیں۔ قوانین اور اخلاقی ضابطہ ، تاریخ اور کیلنڈر ، رسم و رواج اور روایت ، قابلیت اور عزائم؛ مختصر یہ کہ زندگی اور زندگی کے بارے میں ہمارا اپنا مخصوص نظریہ ہے۔ بین االاقوامی قانون کے تمام اصولوں کے مطابق ، ہم ایک قوم ہیں۔ 1940 میں پاکستان کے لئے مسلم مطالبہ کی تشکیل نے ہندوستانی سیاست کی نوعیت اور اس کے طریق کار پر زبردست اثر ڈالا۔

آپ کی انتھک محنتوں سے مسلمان متحد ہوئے اور یک زبان ہو قائداعظم کی پکار پر لبیک کہا اور تمام تر مشکل حالات اور دشمن کی مکاریوں کے باوجود انہوں نے پاکستان کی بنیاد ۱۴اگست ۱۹۴۷ کو ڈال دی۔ اس ملک پر یہ انکا ایک انمول احسان ہے جو ہمیشہ یاد رکھا جائے گا۔ قائداعظم جانتے تھے کہ یہ ملک بن گیا ہے لیکن اسکو بہت سے مشکلات سے نبرد آزما ہونا ہے۔

قائد اعظم محمد علی جناح نے 14 اگست 1948 کو اپنے آخری پیغام میں قوم سے فرمایا؛

آپ کی ریاست کی بنیادیں رکھی جا چکی ہیں اب یہ آپ پر ہے کہ آپ اسکی جلد از جلد تعمیر کریں جتنی جلد ی آپ کر سکتے ہیں ۔ پاکستان کے وجود میں آنے کے بعد انہوں نے سارہ بوجھ اپنے اوپرلے لیا ۔ جناح نے اپنی آخری سانس تک کام کیا ۔ رچرڈ سیمنز نے کہا تھا “پاکستان کی بقا کے لئے سب سے بڑا کردار جناح نے ادا کیا تھا” ۔ ان کا انتقال 11 ستمبر 1948 کو ہوا۔

10 frequently asked questions about Muhammad Ali Jinnah, the founder of Pakistan:

• Who was Muhammad Ali Jinnah? Muhammad Ali Jinnah was a barrister, politician and the founder of Pakistan. He served as the leader of the All-India Muslim League from 1913 until the inception of Pakistan on 14 August 1947, and then as the Dominion of Pakistan’s first governor-general until his death¹.
• When and where was Muhammad Ali Jinnah born? Muhammad Ali Jinnah was born on December 25, 1876 in Karachi, Bombay Presidency, British India (present-day Sindh, Pakistan)¹.
• What were Muhammad Ali Jinnah’s political affiliations? Muhammad Ali Jinnah was affiliated with several political parties throughout his career. He was a member of the Indian National Congress from 1906 to 1920, the All-India Muslim League from 1913 to 1947, and the Muslim League from 1947 to 1948¹.
• What were Muhammad Ali Jinnah’s political views? Muhammad Ali Jinnah advocated for Hindu-Muslim unity in the early years of his political career and helped shape the 1916 Lucknow Pact between the Congress and the All-India Muslim League. He proposed a fourteen-point constitutional reform plan to safeguard the political rights of Muslims in the Indian subcontinent. However, by 1940, Jinnah had come to believe that Muslims should have their own state to avoid possible marginalization in an independent Hindu-Muslim state¹.
• What is Muhammad Ali Jinnah known for? Muhammad Ali Jinnah is known for successfully campaigning for an independent Pakistan and becoming its first leader. He is known in Pakistan as ‘Quaid-I Azam’ or ‘Great Leader’³.
• When did Muhammad Ali Jinnah die? Muhammad Ali Jinnah died on September 11, 1948 in Karachi, Federal Capital Territory, Pakistan¹.
• Where is Muhammad Ali Jinnah buried? Muhammad Ali Jinnah is buried at Mazar-e-Quaid in Karachi¹.
• What did Muhammad Ali Jinnah study? Muhammad Ali Jinnah studied law at Lincoln’s Inn in London, England and became a barrister¹.
• Did Muhammad Ali Jinnah have any children? Yes, Muhammad Ali Jinnah had one daughter named Dina Wadia¹.
• What is the significance of Muhammad Ali Jinnah in Pakistani history? Muhammad Ali Jinnah is considered the founder of Pakistan and played a crucial role in its creation. He is revered as a national hero and his legacy continues to shape Pakistani politics and society.

(1) Muhammad Ali Jinnah – Wikipedia. https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Muhammad_Ali_Jinnah . (2) Historic Figures: Mohammad Ali Jinnah (1876-1948) – BBC. https://www.bbc.co.uk/history/historic_figures/jinnah_mohammad_ali.shtml . (3) Mohammed Ali Jinnah | Biography, Accomplishments, Religion …. https://www.britannica.com/biography/Mohammed-Ali-Jinnah .

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Sana Mursleen is a student studying English Literature at Lahore Garrison University (LGU). With her love for writing and humor, she writes essays for Top Study World. Sana is an avid reader and has a passion for history, politics, and social issues.

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Early years

Entry into politics, political unity, creator of pakistan.

What did Mohammed Ali Jinnah study?

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Mohammed Ali Jinnah

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• Table Of Contents

What is Mohammed Ali Jinnah known for?

Mohammed Ali Jinnah was the founder and first governor-general (1947–48) of Pakistan. He is revered as the father of Pakistan. He also sought the political union of Hindus and Muslims, which earned him the title of “the best ambassador of Hindu-Muslim unity.”

Where was Mohammed Ali Jinnah born?

Mohammed Ali Jinnah was born in Karachi in what is today Pakistan in 1876 or 1875.

When did Mohammed Ali Jinnah die?

Mohammed Ali Jinnah died on September 11, 1948, in Karachi, Pakistan.

Mohammed Ali Jinnah was sent to England by his father to acquire business experience, but he was interested in becoming a barrister. In London, he joined Lincoln’s Inn, one of the legal societies that prepared students for the bar. In 1895, at the age of 19, he was called to the bar.

When did Mohammed Ali Jinnah join the Muslim League?

Mohammed Ali Jinnah joined the Muslim League in 1913. He did so only when he was assured that the league was as devoted as the Congress Party to the political emancipation of India.

Mohammed Ali Jinnah (born December 25, 1876?, Karachi, India [now in Pakistan]—died September 11, 1948, Karachi) was an Indian Muslim politician, who was the founder and first governor-general (1947–48) of Pakistan .

Jinnah was the eldest of seven children of Jinnahbhai Poonja, a prosperous merchant , and his wife, Mithibai. His family was a member of the Khoja caste, Hindus who had converted to Islam centuries earlier and who were followers of the Aga Khan . There is some question about Jinnah’s date of birth: although he maintained that it was December 25, 1876, school records from Karachi (Pakistan) give a date of October 20, 1875.

After being taught at home, Jinnah was sent in 1887 to the Sind Madrasat al-Islam (now Sindh Madressatul Islam University) in Karachi. Later he attended the Christian Missionary Society High School (also in Karachi), where at the age of 16 he passed the matriculation examination of the University of Bombay (now University of Mumbai , in Mumbai , India ). On the advice of an English friend, his father decided to send him to England to acquire business experience. Jinnah, however, had made up his mind to become a barrister . In keeping with the custom of the time, his parents arranged for an early marriage for him before he left for England .

In London he joined Lincoln’s Inn, one of the legal societies that prepared students for the bar. In 1895, at the age of 19, he was called to the bar. While in London Jinnah suffered two severe bereavements—the deaths of his wife and his mother. Nevertheless, he completed his formal studies and also made a study of the British political system , frequently visiting the House of Commons . He was greatly influenced by the liberalism of William E. Gladstone , who had become prime minister for the fourth time in 1892, the year of Jinnah’s arrival in London. Jinnah also took a keen interest in the affairs of India and in Indian students. When the Parsi leader Dadabhai Naoroji , a leading Indian nationalist, ran for the British Parliament , Jinnah and other Indian students worked day and night for him. Their efforts were crowned with success: Naoroji became the first Indian to sit in the House of Commons.

When Jinnah returned to Karachi in 1896, he found that his father’s business had suffered losses and that he now had to depend on himself. He decided to start his legal practice in Bombay (now Mumbai), but it took him years of work to establish himself as a lawyer.

It was nearly 10 years later that he turned actively toward politics. A man without hobbies, he divided his interest between law and politics. Nor was he a religious zealot: he was a Muslim in a broad sense and had little to do with sects. His interest in women was also limited, to Rattenbai (Rutti)—the daughter of Sir Dinshaw Petit, a Bombay Parsi millionaire—whom he married in 1918 over tremendous opposition from her parents and others. The couple had one daughter, Dina, but the marriage proved an unhappy one, and Jinnah and Rutti soon separated. It was his sister Fatima who gave him solace and company.

Jinnah first entered politics by participating in the 1906 session of the Indian National Congress (Congress Party) held at Calcutta (now Kolkata ), in which the party began to split between those calling for dominion status and those advocating independence for India. Four years later he was elected to the Imperial Legislative Council—the beginning of a long and distinguished parliamentary career. In Bombay he came to know, among other important Congress Party personalities, Gopal Krishna Gokhale , the eminent Maratha leader. Greatly influenced by those nationalist politicians, Jinnah aspired during the early part of his political life to become “a Muslim Gokhale.” Admiration for British political institutions and an eagerness to raise the status of India in the international community and to develop a sense of Indian nationhood among the peoples of India were the chief elements of his politics. At that time, he still looked upon Muslim interests in the context of Indian nationalism .

But, by the beginning of the 20th century, the conviction had been growing among the Muslims that their interests demanded the preservation of their separate identity rather than amalgamation in the Indian nation that would for all practical purposes be Hindu. Largely to safeguard Muslim interests, the All-India Muslim League was founded in 1906. But Jinnah remained aloof from it. Only in 1913, when authoritatively assured that the league was as devoted as the Congress Party to the political emancipation of India, did Jinnah join the league. When the Indian Home Rule League was formed, he became its chief organizer in Bombay and was elected president of the Bombay branch.

Jinnah’s endeavours to bring about the political union of Hindus and Muslims earned him the title of “the best ambassador of Hindu-Muslim unity,” an epithet coined by Gokhale. It was largely through his efforts that the Congress Party and the Muslim League began to hold their annual sessions jointly, to facilitate mutual consultation and participation. In 1915 the two organizations held their meetings in Bombay and in 1916 in Lucknow , where the Lucknow Pact was concluded. Under the terms of the pact, the two organizations put their seal to a scheme of constitutional reform that became their joint demand vis-à-vis the British government. There was a good deal of give and take, but the Muslims obtained one important concession in the shape of separate electorates, already conceded to them by the government in 1909 but hitherto resisted by Congress.

Meanwhile, a new force in Indian politics had appeared in the person of Mohandas (Mahatma) Gandhi . Both the Home Rule League and the Congress Party had come under his sway. Opposed to Gandhi’s noncooperation movement and his essentially Hindu approach to politics, Jinnah left both the league and the Congress Party in 1920. For a few years he kept himself aloof from the main political movements. He continued to be a firm believer in Hindu-Muslim unity and constitutional methods for the achievement of political ends. After his withdrawal from Congress, he used the Muslim League platform for the propagation of his views. But during the 1920s the Muslim League, and with it Jinnah, had been overshadowed by Congress and the religiously oriented Muslim Khilafat movement .

When the failure of the noncooperation movement and the emergence of Hindu revivalist movements led to antagonism and riots between Hindus and Muslims, the Muslim League began to lose strength and cohesion, and provincial Muslim leaders formed their own parties to serve their needs. Thus, Jinnah’s problem during the following years was to convert the Muslim League into an enlightened , unified political body prepared to cooperate with other organizations working for the good of India. In addition, he had to convince the Congress Party, as a prerequisite for political progress, of the necessity of settling the Hindu-Muslim conflict.

To bring about such a rapprochement was Jinnah’s chief purpose during the late 1920s and early 1930s. He worked toward this end within the legislative assembly, at the Round Table Conference in London (1930–32), and through his “14 points,” which included proposals for a federal form of government, greater rights for minorities, one-third representation for Muslims in the central legislature, separation of the predominantly Muslim Sindh region from the rest of the Bombay province, and introduction of reforms in the North-West Frontier Province . His failure to bring about even minor amendments in the Nehru Committee proposals (1928) over the question of separate electorates and reservation of seats for Muslims in the legislatures frustrated him. He found himself in a peculiar position at that time: many Muslims thought that he was too nationalistic in his policy and that Muslim interests were not safe in his hands, while the Congress Party would not even meet the moderate Muslim demands halfway. Indeed, the Muslim League was a house divided against itself. The Punjab Muslim League repudiated Jinnah’s leadership and organized itself separately. In disgust, Jinnah decided to settle in England. From 1930 to 1935 he remained in London, devoting himself to practice before the Privy Council . But when constitutional changes were in the offing, he was persuaded to return home to head a reconstituted Muslim League.

Soon preparations started for the elections under the Government of India Act of 1935. Jinnah was still thinking in terms of cooperation between the Muslim League and the Hindu-controlled Congress Party and with coalition governments in the provinces. But the elections of 1937 proved to be a turning point in the relations between the two organizations. Congress obtained an absolute majority in six provinces, and the league did not do particularly well. The Congress Party decided not to include the league in the formation of provincial governments, and exclusive all-Congress governments were the result. Relations between Hindus and Muslims started to deteriorate, and soon Muslim discontent became boundless.

Jinnah had originally been dubious about the practicability of Pakistan, an idea that the poet and philosopher Sir Muhammad Iqbal had propounded to the Muslim League conference of 1930, but before long he became convinced that a Muslim homeland on the Indian subcontinent was the only way of safeguarding Muslim interests and the Muslim way of life. It was not religious persecution that he feared so much as the future exclusion of Muslims from all prospects of advancement within India, as soon as power became vested in the close-knit structure of Hindu social organization. To guard against that danger, he carried out a nationwide campaign to warn his coreligionists of the perils of their position, and he converted the Muslim League into a powerful instrument for unifying the Muslims into a nation.

At that point, Jinnah emerged as the leader of a renascent Muslim nation. Events began to move fast. On March 22–23, 1940, in Lahore , the league adopted a resolution to form a separate Muslim state, Pakistan . The Pakistan idea was at first ridiculed and then tenaciously opposed by the Congress Party. But it captured the imagination of the Muslims. Pitted against Jinnah were many influential Hindus, including Gandhi and Jawaharlal Nehru . And the British government seemed to be intent on maintaining the political unity of the Indian subcontinent. But Jinnah led his movement with such skill and tenacity that ultimately both the Congress Party and the British government had no option but to agree to the partitioning of India. Pakistan thus emerged as an independent state in 1947.

Jinnah became the first head of the new state. Faced with the serious problems of a young country , he tackled Pakistan’s problems with authority. He was not regarded as merely the governor-general. He was revered as the father of the nation. He worked hard until overpowered by age and disease in Karachi, the place of his birth, in 1948.

Essay on Quaid-e-Azam Muhammad Ali Jinnah with Quotes and Outlines

• December 19, 2023

Kainat Shakeel

Quaid-e-Azam Muhammad Ali Jinnah, the founder of Pakistan, was a visionary leader who devoted his life to the cause of Pakistan. Born on December 25, 1876, in Karachi, Jinnah was a counsel, politician, and leader of the All-India Muslim League from 1913 until the establishment of Pakistan in 1947.  

Early Life and Struggles:

Quaid-e-Azam was born into a Khoja family of Hindu parents who had converted to Islam and followed the Shia faith. He entered his early education at home before attending Sindh Madrasa Academy in Karachi. In 1893, he moved to England to pursue a law degree at the University of London. While in England, Jinnah was told by nationalist politicians and originally aimed to become” a Muslim Gokhale,” fastening on Muslim interests within the environment of Indian nationalism still, by the morning of the 20th century, the growing conviction among Muslims demanded the preservation of separate Muslim interests, leading to the founding of the All-India Muslim League in 1906. 

Achievements and Leadership:

In 1913, Jinnah became the leader of the All-India Muslim League, a position he held until the establishment of Pakistan in 1947. He played a pivotal part in the non-cooperation movement of 1920, which aimed to gain Indian independence through violent means. In 1924, he was tagged to the Viceroy’s Executive Council, making him the first Muslim member of the British Indian government. Despite his benefactions, Jinnah abnegated in 1925 due to dissensions with Mahatma Gandhi over the nature of the non-cooperation movement. Jinnah’s leadership and determination were necessary in the passage and perpetration of the Pakistan Resolution in 1940, which demanded the creation of separate Muslim and Hindu countries. In August 1947, Pakistan came into being, and Jinnah became its first governor-general. 

Personal Traits and Vision for Pakistan:

Quaid-e-Azam was known for his strong personality, seductiveness, and leadership chops. He was a professed lecturer and pen, able to rally people around his vision for Pakistan. Jinnah envisaged a Pakistan where all citizens, regardless of their faith, race, or gender, would be equal and have the occasion to prosper. He believed in the significance of education, profitable tone-reliance, and social justice for the development of the country. 

Quotes from Quaid-e-Azam:

Then are some memorable quotations from Quaid-e-Azam; 

• “Pakistan isn’t a piece of land for us. It’s a living, breathing reality that we’ve to nurture and develop. It’s a commodity that belongs to all of us, and all of us must put in our sweats, our smarts, and our hearts to make it a success.” 
• “We’ve to make a new Pakistan, where the weak will get justice and the strong won’t exploit the weak.” 
• “I wish to make it clear that the people of Pakistan, the Muslims and non-Muslims, will have to live together. There will be no question of equivalency because we’re all equal. There will be no question of maturity or nonage because we’re all equal. There will be no question of a separate motherland for Muslims or non-Muslims because we’re all Pakistanis.” 
• “May you be firm and bent in your faith. Don’t allow anyone to make you diverge from your path.”  

Quaid-e-Azam Muhammad Ali Jinnah’s fidelity and leadership played a pivotal part in the establishment of Pakistan and the shaping of its identity. His vision for a just, equal, and prosperous country remains the foundation of Pakistan’s bourses and progress. In his memory, we must continue to work towards realizing his dream of a united, inclusive, and thriving Pakistan. 

Kainat Shakeel is a versatile SEO-Content Writer and Digital Marketer with a keen understanding of tech news, digital market trends, fashion, technology, laws, and regulations. As a storyteller in the digital realm, she weaves narratives that bridge the gap between technology and human experiences. With a passion for staying at the forefront of industry trends, her blog is a curated space where the worlds of fashion, tech, and legal landscapes converge.

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Jinnah Papers (Quaid-I-Azam)

This collection reflects a period of momentous change in South Asia that culminated in the emergence of two independent states. It is a unique source for the study of the Muslim Freedom Movement in South Asia and of the political and personal life of Quaid-i-Azam Mohammad Ali Jinnah, the founder of Pakistan.

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• Submitted by: Pakistan

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The Charismatic Leadership of Quaid-i-Azam Muhammad Ali Jinnah: His Vision and Constitutionalism

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This is a review of SIkandar Hayat's awarding winning study of charismatic leadership and the rise and realization of the Pakistan Movement. The latest revised edition has been recently published by Oxford University Press.

Pakistan Journal of Social Research

Azmatullah Wazir

Like most charismatic leaders Jinnah was an exceptionally gifted discrete who had the competency to pass out of his nation from solitude. It was his collective understanding of the obligation and the prominence of contribution to his nation. After the self-exile in England, his re-entry into the Indian politics strengthened the strategy of his future’s politics. The instantaneous difficulty for him was how to formulate a stratagem that could form the conditional dynamism in such a way that it generates opportunities for the Muslims to understand their determinations. This study has analysed his task management tactics and goal orientation strategies during the Freedom Movement. This is archival based research, and the argument is developed through the historical, descriptive, and analytical methods. Key Words: Jinnah, Gandhi, Nehru, Congress Ministries, Quit India Movement, Jinnah-Gandhi Talks, Cabinet Mission Plan

Nadeem Yousaf

Jinnah was, to some extent, a successful leader in obtaining his goals of becoming the only spokesperson for Muslims in India and gaining a piece of land for Pakistan but the main question is whether these achievements can be attributed to transactional or transformational strategies. Has he managed transactional or transformational change in terms of political culture? This point has been discussed in the paper.

Muhammad Iqbal Chawla

It is a review of Dr Sikandar Hayat's book on Jinnah

FINDING JINNAH: Contemporary Art from Pakistan

Ali Usman Qasmi

Ahmed Talib

Tafkir: Interdisciplinary Journal of Islamic Education

Iis Farida zein

Research on charismatic leadership KH. Zezen Zainal Abidin Bazul Asyhab in building the Qoryah Mubarokah Association (IQOMAH) association is a research related to the ability of leaders to influence others towards a better and life. Based on the data obtained, the focus of the Iqomah program is the enforcement of Islamic law in the field of Worship, named as the practice of the Islamic Pillars correctly and earnestly. The research includes the type of field research (field research) with qualitative methods. Based on this method, facts were found in the field, using observational data collection techniques, interviews and documentation of Iqomah's programs and policies. The first conclusion is that charismatic leadership is the ability of leaders to influence members in particular and society in general to achieve the vision and mission of a leader. Second, based on the study’s results, there are characteristics and indicators of charitable leadership in the figure of KH. Zezen ...

abid hussain

Anil Nauriya

This essay, published in 1999, deals mainly with politics in colonial India in the period from the late 1920s till independence in 1947. It is argued that, as with V D Savarkar, few of Jinnah's political positions till the partition of India and formation of Pakistan can find a natural place in a secular constitution. Some of these might even serve to legitimize a Hindutva framework. It is therefore not logically possible to counter Hindutva from a Jinnahesque political stance.

Global political review

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Essay on Qaid-e-Azam Muhammad Ali Jinnah with Quotes and Outline

This post contains an Essay on Qaid-e-Azam Muhammad Ali Jinnah with Outline and Quotations for the Students of Class 10, Class 12 and Graduation. This is an awesome essay with a very good vocabulary. Students who are looking for this essay can get the benefit from it. I got 2 images from the internet and typed this essay from there. There are some Other Essays available Here.

Essay on Qaid-e-Azam Muhammad Ali Jinnah with Outline and Quotations for FA, FSC, 2nd Year and Graduation

• A National hero is a man of exceptional qualities.
• History is replete with great heroes.
• Early life and education of Qaid e Azam.
• A source of inspiration.
• Marvellous leadership and remarkable achievement.

“Greatness be nothing unless it be lasting.” (Napoleon)

A National Hero is a man of exceptional Qualities. With his selfless and sincere efforts, he can mould the fate of his nation. He is a man of determination will-power, stimulates the energy, courage and enthusiasm of the people and welds them into a nation. His words have the power to inspire devotion and dedication. Carlyle has said:

“All history is the biography of great men.”

History is replete with great heroes but my own hero in history is the Quaid e Azam, Muhammad Ali Jinnah. I like him because of his marvellous personality and noble soul. His matchless leadership liberated the oppressed Muslims of the sub-continent from the cruel slavery of the Hindus and imperialism.

The Quaid e Azam was born in Karachi on the 25 th of December, 1876, in a well-off merchant family. He received his early education in Karachi. His father, Poonjah Jinnah, wanted to give him a good education to his son and kept him away from the business. At the age of sixteen, on passing the matriculation examination, he went to England and studied law at Lincoln’s Inn. After four years, he returned as a Barrister and started his practice in Karachi. Then, he shifted to Bombay. Within a short time, he became a distinguished lawyer.

In those days, Indians were struggling for freedom. He decided to take an active part in politics. He joined the Indian National Congress and worked for the freedom of his country. His political career began in 1909 when he was elected to the Indian Legislative Council. He joined the Muslim League in 1913 and tried to establish a working relationship between the Hindus and the Muslims. He was called the “Ambassador of Hindu Muslim unity”. But, he was disillusioned very soon. He realized that the Indian Congress was not sincere for the cause of the Muslims. He was convinced that Hindu-Muslim unity was not possible. So, he decided to leave the Indian National Congress in 19+20.

The Quid e Azam infused new life, energy and spirit into the dull body of the Indian Muslims. His sincere and devoted leadership kindled a new imagination among frustrated Muslims. He awakened them from their slumber and organized them as a nation. He told the Muslims that the only solution to their problems was that they should have their own separate homeland where they could live their life according to their religion and culture.

“Time makes heroes but dissolves celebrities.” (Boorstin)

As a result of the untiring struggle of the Muslims under the selfless and marvellous leadership of the Quid e Azam, Pakistan came into being on the 14 th August 1947. The Quaid e Azam became the first Governor-General of Pakistan. Inspite of his shattered health, he worked day and night for the great task of nation-building He died in harness on the 11 th September 1948. He will always live in our hearts as the “Father of the Nation”.

“A good man never dies” (Callimachus)

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Quaid E Azam Role in the making of Pakistan

• April 1, 2023

Quaid-e-Azam Mohammad Ali Jinnah played a pivotal role in the making of Pakistan. As a visionary leader Jinnah envisioned a separate homeland for the Muslims of India where they could live in peace and freedom. He was a skilled negotiator and worked tirelessly to secure the rights of the Muslims of India.

Jinnah’s legal expertise was also instrumental in the making of Pakistan. He played a crucial role in drafting the Lahore Resolution of 1940 which called for the establishment of an independent Muslim state. Jinnah was the leader of the All India Muslim League and played a significant role in transforming the party into a powerful political force for the Muslims of India.

Jinnah’s demand for a separate Muslim state was based on the argument that Muslims in India were a separate nation with their own distinct culture history and identity. He was a staunch advocate of the demand for a separate Muslim state which later became Pakistan.

Jinnah’s speeches and communication skills were instrumental in mobilizing public support for the creation of Pakistan. He was a gifted orator who could inspire and motivate people with his words. Jinnah’s legacy continues to inspire generations of Pakistanis to work towards a better future for their country. He is remembered as the Father of the Nation and one of the greatest leaders in their country’s history.

After the creation of Pakistan Jinnah became its first Governor-General. He worked tirelessly to build the new nation and laid the foundation for a democratic and pluralistic society. Jinnah’s vision of Pakistan as a modern democratic and progressive nation remains a cornerstone of the country’s identity. He is a symbol o

Quaid-e-Azam Mohammad Ali Jinnah was a prominent political leader who played a pivotal role in the creation of Pakistan as an independent nation. Here are some outlines of his role in the making of Pakistan:

Founder of the Muslim League:

The demand for a separate muslim state:, the lahore resolution:, negotiations with the british:, first governor-general of pakistan:, constitutional expert:, negotiations with the congress party:, leader of the muslim community:, unity in diversity:.

Jinnah joined the All India Muslim League in 1913 and became its leader in 1916. He reorganized the party and made it a powerful political force for the Muslims of India.

Jinnah was a staunch advocate of the demand for a separate Muslim state which later became Pakistan. He argued that Muslims in India were a separate nation with their own distinct culture history and identity and could not live under Hindu-majority rule.

Jinnah played a significant role in the adoption of the Lahore Resolution in 1940 which called for the creation of an independent Muslim state in northwestern and eastern regions of India.

Jinnah negotiated with the British and other political leaders for the creation of Pakistan. He demanded that the Muslim-majority regions of India should be given the right to choose their destiny which led to the partition of India in 1947.

After the creation of Pakistan Jinnah became its first Governor-General. He worked tirelessly to build the new nation and laid the foundation for a democratic and pluralistic society.

Jinnah was a highly skilled lawyer and constitutional expert who played a key role in drafting the Government of India Act 1935 which established a federal system of government in India. He also drafted the Pakistan Resolution which called for the establishment of an independent Muslim state.

Jinnah held several rounds of negotiations with the Indian National Congress Party to find a solution to the communal tensions in India. However the talks failed leading Jinnah to demand the creation of a separate Muslim state.

Jinnah was widely regarded as the leader of the Muslim community in India. He worked tirelessly to promote the interests of Muslims and fought against discrimination and injustice.

Jinnah believed in the principle of unity in diversity and envisioned Pakistan as a pluralistic and inclusive nation where people of all religions and ethnicities could live together in harmony.

Jinnahs vision of Pakistan as a democratic and progressive nation remains a cornerstone of the countrys identity. His legacy continues to inspire generations of Pakistanis to work towards a better future for their country.

In 1913 Jinnah joined the All India Muslim League a political party that was founded to safeguard the rights of Indian Muslims. Jinnah’s legal expertise and political acumen soon made him one of the most prominent leaders of the Muslim League. In 1916 Jinnah negotiated the Lucknow Pact an agreement between the Muslim League and the Indian National Congress that gave Muslims greater representation in the government.

Jinnah’s demand for a separate Muslim state was based on the argument that Muslims in India were a separate nation with their own distinct culture history and identity. Jinnah believed that the Muslim community could not coexist peacefully with the Hindu majority in India and that a separate Muslim state was necessary to protect their rights and interests. In 1940 Jinnah played a crucial role in drafting the Lahore Resolution which called for the creation of an independent Muslim state.

Jinnah’s legal expertise was also instrumental in the making of Pakistan. He played a crucial role in negotiating the terms of the partition of India with the British government and other political leaders. The partition of India in 1947 resulted in the creation of Pakistan as a separate Muslim state.

Jinnah’s leadership and communication skills were also crucial in the making of Pakistan. He was a gifted orator who could inspire and motivate people with his words. Jinnah’s speeches and communication skills were instrumental in mobilizing public support for the creation of Pakistan. He was a symbol of hope and inspiration for the Muslim community in India who saw him as their champion and savior.

After the creation of Pakistan Jinnah became its first Governor-General. He worked tirelessly to build the new nation and laid the foundation for a democratic and pluralistic society. Jinnah believed that Pakistan should be a modern democratic and progressive nation that could serve as a model for other Muslim countries.

Jinnah’s legacy continues to inspire generations of Pakistanis to work towards a better future for their country. He is remembered as the Father of the Nation and one of the greatest leaders in their country’s history. Jinnah’s vision of Pakistan as a modern democratic and progressive nation remains a cornerstone of the country’s identity. He is a symbol of unity and national pride for the people of Pakistan who remember him as one of the greatest leaders in their country’s history.

In conclusion Quaid-e-Azam Mohammad Ali Jinnah’s role in the making of Pakistan was pivotal. He was a visionary leader a skilled negotiator a legal expert and a gifted orator who worked tirelessly to secure the rights of the Muslim community in India and create a separate homeland for them. Jinnah’s leadership and communication skills were instrumental in mobilizing public support for the creation of Pakistan. He remains a symbol of hope inspiration and unity for the people of Pakistan who remember him as one of the greatest leaders in their country’s history.

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Pakistan National Hero: Quaid-e-Azam Muhammad Ali Jinnah

The founder of Pakistan, Quaid-e-Azam Muhammad Ali Jinnah, is the Pakistan National Hero who played a significant role in the independence movement of Pakistan. He was a visionary leader who fought for the rights of Muslims in the subcontinent and eventually succeeded in creating a separate homeland for them. In this article, we will discuss the life, achievements, and legacy of Quaid-e-Azam Muhammad Ali Jinnah.

Pakistan’s history is incomplete without mentioning the name of Quaid-e-Azam Muhammad Ali Jinnah. He was a lawyer, politician, and statesman who dedicated his entire life to the cause of Pakistan’s independence. Born in Karachi on December 25, 1876, Jinnah was the eldest child of his parents. He received his early education in Karachi and went to England to study law.

Table of Contents

Early Life and Education of the Pakistan National Hero

Jinnah was a brilliant student and excelled in his studies. After completing his education, he started his legal practice in Bombay and soon became a prominent lawyer. He was a man of principles and never compromised on his beliefs. He was deeply influenced by the teachings of Sir Syed Ahmed Khan and Allama Iqbal, who were prominent Muslim leaders of the time.

Political Career of the Pakistan National Hero

Jinnah’s political career started when he joined the Indian National Congress in 1906. He believed that the Indian National Congress was the best platform to fight for the rights of Muslims in the subcontinent. However, he soon realized that the Congress was dominated by Hindus and that the interests of Muslims were not being protected. He, therefore, resigned from the Congress in 1920 and joined the All India Muslim League, which was formed to protect the rights of Muslims.

Struggle for Pakistan

Jinnah’s struggle for Pakistan started in the 1930s when he demanded a separate homeland for Muslims in the subcontinent. He believed that Hindus and Muslims could not live together in a united India and that the only solution to the Hindu-Muslim problem was the creation of a separate homeland for Muslims. He worked tirelessly to convince Muslims of the need for a separate homeland and finally succeeded in achieving his goal in 1947 when Pakistan was created.

Achievements of the Pakistan National Hero

Jinnah’s achievements are numerous. He was the architect of Pakistan and played a crucial role in the creation of the country. He was also the first Governor-General of Pakistan and worked tirelessly to establish the country’s political, economic, and social institutions. He was a strong advocate of democracy, human rights, and equality and believed that these were the foundation stones of a progressive and prosperous society.

Legacy of the Pakistan National Hero

Quaid-e-Azam Muhammad Ali Jinnah’s legacy is immense. He is considered to be one of the greatest leaders of the 20th century and an inspiration to millions of people around the world. His vision, determination, and leadership continue to inspire generations of Pakistanis to this day. His legacy is a reminder of the sacrifices and struggles of the people who fought for Pakistan’s independence and the need to uphold the principles of democracy, human rights, and equality.

• Who was Quaid-e-Azam Muhammad Ali Jinnah?

Answer: Quaid-e-Azam Muhammad Ali Jinnah was the founder of Pakistan and a national hero who fought for the rights of Muslims in the subcontinent.

• What were Jinnah’s achievements?

Answer: Jinnah’s achievements are numerous. He was the architect of Pakistan and played a crucial role in the country’s creation. He was also the first Governor-General of Pakistan and worked tirelessly to establish the country’s political, economic, and social institutions.

• What was Jinnah’s political career?

Answer: Jinnah’s political career started when he joined the Indian National Congress in 1906. He later resigned from the Congress and joined the All India Muslim League, which was formed to protect the rights of Muslims.

• What was Jinnah’s vision for Pakistan?

Answer: Jinnah’s vision for Pakistan was to create a separate homeland for Muslims in the subcontinent. He believed that Hindus and Muslims could not live together in a united India and that the only solution to the Hindu-Muslim problem was the creation of a separate homeland for Muslims.

• What is Jinnah’s legacy?

Answer: Jinnah’s legacy is immense. He is considered to be one of the greatest leaders of the 20th century and an inspiration to millions of people around the world. His vision, determination, and leadership continue to inspire generations of Pakistanis to this day.

Quaid-e-Azam Muhammad Ali Jinnah is a national hero and a symbol of hope and inspiration for millions of Pakistanis. His vision, determination, and leadership continue to inspire people around the world, and his legacy is a reminder of the sacrifices and struggles of those who fought for Pakistan’s independence. We should strive to uphold his principles of democracy, human rights, and equality and work towards a more prosperous and progressive Pakistan.

• “Muhammad Ali Jinnah” by Encyclopedia Britannica: https://www.britannica.com/biography/Muhammad-Ali-Jinnah
• “Muhammad Ali Jinnah” by History.com: https://www.history.com/topics/india/muhammad-ali-jinnah
• “Quaid-e-Azam Muhammad Ali Jinnah – Father of the Nation” by Government of Pakistan: https://www.pakistan.gov.pk/Quaid-e-Azam-Muhammad-Ali-Jinnah-Profile

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Jinnah’s 11 August, 1947 Speech

• June 14, 2023

Muhammad Ali  Jinnah meant every word  of  what he  said on  11 August 1947. He was opposed to an Islamic State as understood by its protagonists in Pakistan like Abul Ala Maududi relying on Abul Hasan al-Marwardi and others but of which Jinnah was innocent – he did not demand because he wanted to establish an Islamic State.

By A. G. Noorani*

Like others he was concerned at the play of majority rule in a country with communal divisions. The Congress rejected power-sharing in 1937-39 and drove him to ask for partition. It was a political not a religious demand.)

Quaid-e-Azam Mohammad Ali Jinnah’s Presidential address on 11 August 1947, to the inaugural session of Pakistan’s Constituent Assembly,  was  one  of  the  most  consequential  pronouncements in the history of South Asia. Even sixty years later and despite archival disclosures, debate persists on its true import and significance. Very understandably, because it touches the very fundamentals of the state, the Islamic Republic of Pakistan. In contrast to the Constitution of 1956, the Constitution of 1973 prescribes in its various oaths of office a pledge to “strive to preserve the Islamic Ideology which is the basis for the creation of Pakistan.” (Third Schedule; vide the Second Schedule to the Constitution of 1956).

There was no ambiguity whatever in the formulations Jinnah used: “You may belong to any religion or caste or creed – that has nothing to do with the business of the State … you will find that in course of time Hindus would cease to be Hindus and Muslims would cease to be Muslims, not in the religious sense because that is the personal faith of each individual, but in the political sense as citizens of the State” (Jamiluddin Ahmad (ed.)., Speeches and Writings of Mr. Jinnah; Vols. I and II; Sh. Muhammad Ashraf; Lahore; Vol. II, pp. 403-4).

This marked the abandonment of the two-nation theory, explicitly. For Jinnah referred in the same speech to “a nation of 400 millions souls in subjection” to the British rule. His much acclaimed biography by Stanley Wolpert, far from providing any cogent explanation for this volte face, expresses bewilderment. “What was he talking about? Had he simply forgotten where he was? Had the cyclone of events so disoriented him that he was arguing the opposition’s brief? Was he pleading for a united India – on the eve of Pakistan – before those hundreds of thousands of terrified innocents were slaughtered ….?” (Jinnah of Pakistan; Oxford University Press; p. 304). This tells us more about Wolpert than Jinnah.

What lends ambiguity to the text is the context. Since 1939, even before he demanded Pakistan, Jinnah had put forth the two nation theory. From 1940 onwards the demand was sought to be justified on the basis of the theory. The “Muslim nation” had fought for and achieved statehood in Pakistan. Inevitably it would be a Muslim state. But he had not hesitated in his programme of mass mobilization, to press Islam into service. References to the Quran were freely made. The followers – at least a good many of them – could hardly be blamed for imagining that Pakistan would indeed be an Islamic state. It is unthinkable that Jinnah also shared this ideal. The speech sowed the seeds of a contest between the modernists and the Islamists, which has continued to rock Pakistan to this day. It did not declare closure. For even after the speech, Jinnah now Governor-General and head of state – continued to invoke Islam and the Quran.

Not surprisingly the speech came as a shock to his followers. The  chronicler of  Pakistan’s Press,  Zamir  Niazi,  one  of  the  most honest journalists, has recorded the reaction in his book The Press in Chains (Royal Book Company, Karachi; pp. 36-37). His account is based on authentic contemporary sources. Hamid Jalal revealed that the Establishment sent a press advisory to black out the speech. Altaf Husain, editor of Dawn, foiled the move by threatening to “go to the Quaid himself.” Zamir Siddiqui corroborated Hamid Jalal’s account. The prime culprit was Majid Malik the Principal PRO. The fact that he spoke to Chaudhry Mohammed Ali, Secretary-General of the Cabinet, before withdrawing the advisory casts the latter in a dubious role. Zamir Niazi records also attempts in later years to censor the speech (p. 38).

The speech passed muster in the historical records. It did not shape policy. There is an aspect, however, which is commonly overlooked by those who cite Jinnah’s references to Islam and the Quran to imply that he did not quite mean what he had said. Jinnah knew the personal law of Muslims. Very few, in his times, knew of “the Islamic State”. It was some time after the establishment of Pakistan that the concept began to be defined, with varying degrees of vagueness. Jinnah never did, never could have subscribed to the concept as propounded. It is dishonest to extrapolate his strong occasional remarks to the formulation of advocates of an Islamic State. (Vide the writer’s essay The Islamic State; A Mirage; Criterion; July-September 2009; pp. 28-55).

We have two authentic accounts of his rejection of the concept totally. One is by the Raja of Mahmudabad, who was close to him. He wrote “My advocacy of an Islamic State brought me into conflict with Jinnah. He thoroughly disapproved of my ideas and dissuaded me from expressing them publicly from the League’s platform lest the people might be led to believe that Jinnah shared my view and that he was asking me to convey such ideas to the public.” (C.H. Philips and Mary Doreen Wainwright (Eds.) The Partition of India; George Allen and Unwin Ltd.; Some Memories p. 388).

Sir Prakasa, India’s first High Commissioner to Pakistan, took up the issue with Jinnah in September 1947 on the basis of a speech he had never made. Sir Prakasa urged Jinnah that no “stress should be laid on Pakistan being an Islamic State. … he said he had never used the word ‘Islamic.’ He added ‘You are a responsible man, and you should tell me where I have done so.’ ” Sir Prakasa cited “in your broadcast from Lahore on 31 August you had yourself spoken of Pakistan as an Islamic State.” Jinnah was quite sure that he had not done so, and asked me to let him have the original version, if I could. At this he suddenly got up. I could see he was visibly livid with rage. I was summarily dismissed.” (Sir Prakasa; Pakistan: Birth and Early Days; Meenakshi Prakashan; p. 57). Jinnah was perfectly justified. The memoirs cite no detail significantly. None of the compilations of the Governor-General’s speeches contain the broadcast. What is fully established is that Jinnah regarded advocacy of an Islamic State as a reproach since he rejected the idea completely. He did broadcast from Pakistan Radio, Lahore. It was on 30 October 1947. He spoke of Pakistan as a “Muslim State” (ibid; p. 427).

However this fact does not answer a reproach based on the incontrovertible record of his speeches in which he did speak of Islam and the Quran. A noted scholar Farzana Shaikh grapples with this problem in her able work, Making Sense of Pakistan (Foundation Books, New Delhi, Hurst & Company, London; 2009).

Her views deserve to be quoted in extenso. “Uncertainty about national identity and the lack of consensus over Islam greatly affected the country’s constitutional and political development; they also impinged on the construction of a coherent economic and social vision. Jinnah was famously ambivalent about his understanding of the relationship between Islam and politics. While he had done more than most to tighten the bond between religion and nationalism, thus laying the foundations of Pakistan, he was by all accounts a reluctant convert to his own idea. Moreover Jinnah, like the political and military leaders who succeeded him, was unable to resist the temptation of mobilizing the language of Islam to generate power – power that lay for the most part beyond the reach of mass democratic politics, about which Jinnah was also ambivalent.”

She proceeds to add “Jinnah, no romantic, soon realized that while the principles of Islam might represent a panacea for the resolution of the Muslim national question, they were unlikely to help address the real shortcomings of Muslim society. These shortcomings were brutally exposed at Partition, when Muslims (like others) demonstrated that the primeval impulses of their religion remained dangerously in place. By August 1947 Jinnah was forced to recognize that, whatever the national famous inaugural speech to the first meeting of the Constituent Assembly, he appeared to acknowledge the damaging effects flowing from the use of religious rhetoric to justify his demand for Pakistan.” ….

“Jinnah’s own prevarication did little to clear the confusion. In a speech to the Sind Bar Association in Karachi on 25 January 1948, he even seemed ready to abandon his earlier stance, which had called for religion to be kept out of politics, and denouncing as ‘mischief’ attempts to ignore ‘Shari’at Law’ as the basis of Pakistan’s constitution. While few would deny that these inconsistencies were to be expected from Jinnah, who by that time was consumed by fatal ill-health, they set an unfortunate precedent for his successors. Many have since used the ambiguity cultivated by Jinnah to negotiate their own positions and, in doing so, have continued the legacy of a movement that under Jinnah himself came to represent all things to all men.

“The Objectives Resolution passed in March 1949, which has served as a preamble for all three of Pakistan’s constitutions (1956, 1962 and 1973), was symptomatic of this ambiguity. Though regarded as the country’s ‘constitutional Grundnorm,’ its endorsement was marred by a discord that demonstrated the fragility of the consensus underpinning the new state.” (pp.82-83).

As will be pointed out later, her reading of Jinnah’s speech is inaccurate. But it speaks volumes for the speech that despite the Objectives Resolution, the Constitutions of 1956, 1962 and 1973 and four military coups, its central theme is still recalled as a beacon light. In January 2001 President Pervez Musharraf announced a ban on all militant groups, including sectarian outfits, signaling thereby a break in relations between the army and its militant protégés in Afghanistan and Kashmir. His decision came in the wake of a daring attack by militants on the Indian Parliament in December 2001, which had brought Pakistan to the brink of a dangerous military confrontation with India. In his speech justifying the ban, Musharraf recalled Jinnah’s vision of ‘the ideology of Pakistan,’ which he claimed stood in contrast to the ‘theocratic state’ advocated by Islamist parties and their militant allies. Their attempts to establish a ‘state within a state,’ he declared, would be defeated by his military regime, which had come to recognize that “today Pakistan is not facing any threat from outside … the real threats are posed from within.’”

Since ambiguity arises from Jinnah’s other speeches, before and after the partition, the best way to unravel the mystery, such as it is, is first, to determine Jinnah’s “Public Philosophy,” to use Walter Lippmann’s expression, trace the slide towards the two-nation theory and the invocation of the faith, and lastly, analyze the terms of the speech in the light of the speaker’s pronouncements before and after he spoke as he did. Speaking in the Central Legislative Assembly on 7 February 1935 on the Communal Award, Jinnah said: “I entirely reciprocate every sentiment which the Honourable the Leader of the Opposition expressed, and I agree with him that religion should not be allowed to come into politics, that race should not be allowed to come into politics. Language does not matter so much. I agree with him, if taken singly one by one. Religion is merely a matter between man and God. I agree with him there entirely, but I ask him to consider this, – Is this a question of religion purely? Is this a question of language purely? No, Sir, this is a question of minorities and it is a political issue.” (Ahmad; Vol. 1; p. 5).

He repeated these views even after the Lahore Resolution on Pakistan (1940) when he addressed students of the Ismaili College in Bombay on 1 February 1943. He said “Which government, claiming to be a civilized government can demolish a mosque, or which government is going to interfere with religion which is strictly a matter between God and man? The question is that the Musalmans are a nation, distinct from the Hindus.” (ibid; p. 469).

His presidential address to the Delhi session of the All India Muslim League on 21 April 1943 was a documented indictment of Gandhi’s injection of religion into politics. (ibid. pp. 481-482).

Jinnah took pride in the fact that “What the League has done is to set you free from the reactionary elements of Muslims …. it has certainly freed you from that undesirable element of Maulvis and Maulanas” (ibid. p.43). The record is consistent and clear and the speech of 11 August 1947 fully accorded with the outlook these remarks expressed.

This brings us to a sorry omission in the entire discussion on that speech. It was delivered on the establishment of Pakistan. Surely in order to ascertain “the ideology of Pakistan” it is far more relevant to consider Jinnah’s speech delivered at the first espousal of Pakistan, at the Lahore Session of the League on 23 March 1940. It had not the faintest hint of an Islamic State. It offered arguments in support of a political solution.

In a broadcast on All India Radio on Eid Day 15 November 1939 he said pointedly “we shall be guided by our rational interpretation of the Quran.”

The address at the Lahore session fell in to two parts. One concerned recent politics, the other, the demand for Pakistan. The two-nation theory cemented both (ibid.; p. 156 and 162). Islam came last in the peroration which exhorted “come forward as servants of Islam.” But neither the Lahore Resolution nor the League President asserted that India’s partition was being demanded in order to establish an Islamic or, for that matter, a Muslim State. “The ideology of Pakistan” is a belated, artificial and an utterly bogus construct.

However, it must be emphasized that it was not a secular state but a majoritarian State that Jinnah began demanding with strident consistency. It was far removed from Jawaharlal Nehru’s concept of secularism. Few of his senior colleagues shared it. (S. Gopal; Nehru; Oxford University Press; Vol. II; p.15).

There was a false construct which Jinnah began tirelessly to propound – the homelands of Muslims lay in the areas in which they formed a majority. This is based on a historical falsehood. Islam came first to Malabar not to the north. To this day the namaz is said in an ancient mosque in Cannonore in the manner it was in the days of Prophet Mohammad (PBUH). It is absurd to aver that the seats of Muslim culture in U.P., Hyderabad, and Bengal are not the Muslims homelands.

This theory had a pernicious corollary – the rest of India comprised the Hindus’ homelands. Sample this amplification of the Lahore resolution. “The question for the Muslim minorities in Hindu India is whether the entire Muslim India of 90,000,000 should be subjected to a Hindu majority raj or whether at least 60,000,000 of Musalmans residing in the areas where they form a majority should have their own homeland and thereby have an opportunity to develop their spiritual, cultural, economic and political life in accordance with their own genius and shape their own future destiny, at the same time allowing Hindus and others to do likewise. Similar will be the position of the Hindus and other minorities in the Muslim homelands.” (ibid.; p. 166). Specifically “What the Muslim League wanted was that the Muslims should have opportunity to have their own governments in the two zones which they considered as their homelands and develop their own culture. He wished Godspeed to the Hindus to have their own governments in the other parts and develop according to their own genius.” (ibid. p. 220).

The two States would be given over to the two communities. But note this formulation on 2 January 1941. “The question is not merely cultural but of political, economic and social problems which can only be solved according to our genius in our homelands, provided that they are independent states and in no way under the control of any centre for all India. Safeguards, constitutional or otherwise, will be of no use. So long as there is communal Hindu majority at the centre, safeguard will remain on paper. Therefore I think of nothing better or more suitable having regard to the conditions and realities than separation of Muslims in my proposed homelands.”

A statement issued in May 1941 came close to the “faith” but it was obviously rhetorical. “Therefore, the Muslims asked that where they were in a majority they should be allowed to have their own way of life, and that where Hindus were in a majority they should continue to have their way of life, each nation according to its own philosophy, faith and culture.” (ibid., p. 292).

It was bad enough propounding a proposal which did not, could not possibly, resolve the communal problem. It was far worse to embellish it with a theory which legitimized majoritarian States in both parts – a Muslims State and  Hindu State. It is most unfair to deny Nehru the credit for rejecting this theory and opting instead for a secular state, however imperfect it may be in actual practice. The minorities have a yardstick by which to hold the State to account.

It was of course, not an Islamic State that Jinnah had in mind. The ideas he floated gave succour to those who did. Jinnah did not realize this. He resented charges that he wanted a religious state in a speech at Aligarh on 2 November 1941. K. M. Munshi was reported to have said, “The State under the Pakistan scheme would not be a civil government responsible to a composite legislature consisting of all communities, but a religious State pledged to rule according to the teachings of that religion thus by implication excluding all others not following that religion from a share in the government. One crore and thirteen lakhs of Sikhs and Hindus would constitute a minority under the protection of the religious State of the Muslims. These Hindus and Sikhs would be on sufferance in the Punjab and would be foreigners in Hindustan.” Jinnah replied “Is it not an incitement to the Sikhs and excluding them from all power, is entirely untrue. He seems to suggest that non-Muslims in Pakistan will be treated as untouchables. Let me tell Mr. Munshi that untouchability is only known to his religion and his philosophy and not ours. Islam stands for justice, equality, fair play, toleration and even generosity to non-Muslims who may be under our protection. They are like brothers to us and would be the citizens of the State.” (ibid.; June 1941; pp 313-314).

Jinnah’s honesty is not questioned. His clarity of thought, consistency and lack of sense of responsibility is. He had not thought through the implications and consequences of his ideas.

He regarded the minorities virtually as citizens of the “other” State. “You will protect and safeguard our minorities in your zones and we will protect and guard your minorities in ours” (ibid., p. 441; 2 November 1942).

It was Muslim exclusivism in excelsis. If a plebiscite on Pakistan was to be taken in the Muslim majority provinces, the Hindus and Sikhs were not to vote. His demand repeated all too often was “give effect to the verdict of a Muslim plebiscite and carry out the Pakistan scheme” (ibid.; p. 448). How could the disfranchised minorities have an equal position in a state formed thus?

A careful student of Jinnah’ policies will notice a significant shift in emphasis every time he spoke in the NWFP. A message to the NWFP Students Federation, on 4 April 1943, read thus: “You have asked me to give you a message. What message can I give you? We have got the greatest message in the Quran for our guidance and enlightenment” (ibid., p. 472).

By then the maulanas at whose political marginalization he had rejoiced were being invited to join and did join the League in droves. The infiltration increased as elections began to loom large. Jinnah was too wide alert not to sense the danger which “ideological confusion” posed in such a situation. He declared emphatically at the League’s Session in Delhi on 24 April 1943: “The Constitution of Pakistan can only be framed by the Millat and the people. Prepare yourselves and see that you frame a constitution which is to your heart’s desire. There is a lot of misunderstanding. A lot of mischief is created. Is it going to be an Islamic government? Is it not begging the question? Is it not a question of passing a vote of censure on yourself? The constitution and the government will be what the people will decide. The only question is that of minorities.

“The minorities are entitled to get a definite assurance and ask: ‘Where do we stand in the Pakistan that you visualize?’ That is an issue of giving a definite and clear assurance to the minorities. We have done it. We have passed a resolution that the minorities must be protected and safeguarded to the fullest extent and as I said before any civilized government will do it and ought to do it. So far as we are concerned our own history, our Prophet have given the clearest proof that non-Muslims have been treated not only justly and fairly but generously.” (ibid., pp 507-8).

At no time did Jinnah utter the words “Islam in danger” which his detractors attribute to him; never citing the source. “It is for you all to put your heads together, your Council of the All-India Muslim League, and undertake proper and systematic planning, I can only repeat once again, for educational uplift, social uplift, economic uplift, political uplift and cultural uplift of the nation.” –protection of Islam was not mentioned. (ibid., p. 513).

But faith kept cropping up. “What was it that kept the Muslims united as one man, and what was the bedrock and sheet-anchor of the community,” asked Mr. Jinnah. “Islam,” he said, and added; “It is the Great Book, Quran, that is the sheet-anchor of Muslim India. I am sure that as we go on and on there will be more and more of oneness – one God, one Book, one Prophet, and one Nation.” (ibid., p. 575).

With the character of the State was bound up its duty to persons of the same religious affiliation in the other part of the split country. “How could Pakistan help the Musalmans of C.P., U.P., Madras, Bombay and elsewhere? What could be the objective of the Musalmans of these provinces? Safeguards could be the only thing. But what would be the use of these safeguards if there was no authoritative sanction to ensure their fulfillment. If they achieved for provinces where Muslims were in a majority the cherished goal of Pakistan, it would mean independence for seven crores of their brothers and enforcement of safeguards in the Muslim minority provinces, and this would guarantee a just and fair treatment to all minorities.” (Ahmad, Vol.; 2; pp. 19-20, on 13 March 1944).

The linkage between the State and its wards outside was clearly stated. “The crux of the issue is, are you prepared to trust your minorities with us and are we prepared to trust our minorities with you and accept the position that where you are dominant it shall be your dominant government and it shall our dominant government where we are in a majority?” (ibid., p. 166).

The nature of the help was not left vague, either. He had no wish to quarrel, Jinnah said but if “our minorities are ill-treated Pakistan cannot remain a passive spectator. If Britain in Gladstone’s time could intervene in Armenia in the name of protection of minorities, why should it not be right for us to do so in the case of our minorities in Hindustan – if they are oppressed?” This was stated as late as on 11 April 1946 at the League Legislators’ convention. Gladstone intervened militarily on behalf of the world’s strongest imperial power. Moreover, was Jinnah not conferring, implicitly, a similar right to the stronger neighbour? (ibid.; p. 286).

The record must be viewed as a whole and objectively. The debate has been reduced to an exchange of polemics on both sides. Which is why Jinnah’s statements are recalled here at some, perhaps tiresome, length in a quest for understanding; not in an effort at proving a pre- conceived thesis. One thing is clear. Even when recalling the Quran and its injunctions he never extended them to the structure of the State.

Sample this. “Everyone, except those who are ignorant, knows that the Quran is the general code of the Muslims. A religious, social, civil, commercial, military, judicial, criminal, penal code; it regulates everything from the ceremonies of religion to those of daily life; from the salvation of the soul to the to the health of the body; from the rights of all to those of each individual; from morality to crime, from punishment here to that in the life to come, and our Prophet has enjoined on us that every Musalman should possess a copy of the Quran and be his own priest. Therefore Islam is not merely confined to the spiritual tenets and doctrines or rituals and ceremonies. It is a complete code regulating the whole Muslim society, every department of life, collective and individually.” This comprehensive formulation made on Eid Day 1945 omitted the State. (ibid., p. 209).

The Associated Press of America was told on 1 November 1945 that “This would be a Muslim State. As far as the Musalmans are concerned there would be no social barriers of any kind against the Hindus or anyone else. The Musalmans are a people who believe in and act on the basic principle of equality of manhood and fraternity.

… Hindu minorities in Pakistan can rest assured that their rights will be protected. No civilized Government can be run successfully without giving minorities a complete sense of security and confidence. They must be made to feel that they have a hand in Government and to do this they must have adequate representation in it. Pakistan will give this.” (ibid.; p. 232). This was a pledge in the most explicit terms that the minorities would have a share in power, “a hand in Government”, as distinct from what he called “paper safeguards.” (ibid., p. 232).

Pakistan would be “a Muslim State in which the minorities would enjoy equal rights. The duality is glaring.

Peshawar always inspired him to go the extra length to keep the flock together. Students of the Islamia College were assured during his tour of the Province in November 1945 that “the League stood for carving out States in India where Muslims are in a numerical majority to rule them under Islamic law.” (ibid., p. 233).

We do history no service in glossing over the flaws in the thinking. Jinnah’s pronouncements on Islam and the minorities were riddled with contradictions. On the occasion of his 70th  birthday the Memon Merchants Chamber hosted a tea party in Bombay. It was a good occasion for reassuring Muslims in non-Muslims majority provinces. He seized on a statement by Ravi Shankar Shukla, former Premier of the Central Provinces and one of the more rabid Hindu communalists in the Congress, that Muslims in such provinces would be treated as foreigners. “It was amazing to find that Congress leaders were indulging in such reckless and irresponsible threats” (ibid., p. 269).

A little over three months later, in an interview to the BBC at New Delhi on 3 April 1946 – when partition had emerged as a distinct possibility – Jinnah himself offered three options to the Muslims minorities and did so in terms which the BJP and RSS could playfully quote in support of their credo though it is diametrically opposite to Jinnah’s liberal credo. He said “These areas, like Madras for instance will have a Hindu government and the Muslim minorities will have three courses open to them: they may accept citizenship in the State in which they are. They can remain there as foreigners; or they can come to Pakistan. I will welcome them.” (ibid.; p. 282).

A year later he stressed that all the minorities would be equal and loyal citizens of the State to which they belong. This was not a new formulation. The fundamentals of the 11 August 1947 speech were always present; not least at the Legislator’s Convention on 11 April 1946. “What are we fighting for? What are we aiming at? It is not theocracy, not for a theocratic state. Religion is there and religion is dear to us. All the worldly goods are nothing to us when we talk of religion; but there are other things which are very vital; our social life, our economic life, and without political power, how can you defend your faith and your economic life?” (ibid.; p. 284).

This brings us to the speech. Jinnah’s biographer Hector Bolitho asserts that “he worked, for many hours, on the Presidential Address” which was undoubtedly “the greatest speech of his life.” (Jinnah Creater of Pakistan; Oxford University Press, Karachi; pp. 175-6).

A textual analysis suggests that it was delivered extempore. It was rambling in parts. The man spoke from his heart. Notice the topics he addressed first. They were “law and order;” “bribery and corruption;” “black-marketing;” and “nepotism and jobbery” – in this order. He next turned to the partition of India and of the Punjab and Bengal. “I know there are people who do not quite agree with” it. He understood the feelings of the minorities, but “a division had to take place.” A united India could not have worked, adding “may be that view is correct; may be it is not; that remains to be seen”. It was “impossible to avoid” the situation of minorities in both states. “Now what shall we do?”

The famous, indeed immortal words, are an answer to that question. Their core is reproduced here. “If you will work in co-operation, forgetting the past, burying the hatchet you are bound to succeed. If you change your past and work together in a spirit that every one of you, no matter to what community he belongs, no matter what relations he had with you in the past, no matter what is his colour, caste or creed, is first, second and last a citizen of this state with equal rights, privileges and obligations, there will be no end to the progress you will make.

“I cannot emphasize it too much. We should begin to work in that spirit and in course of time all these angularities of the majority and minority communities, the Hindu community and the Muslim community because even as regards Muslims you have Pathans, Punjabis, Shias, Sunnis and so on and among the Hindus you have Brahmans, Vashnavas, Khatris, also Bengalees, Madrasis, and so on – will vanish. Indeed if you ask me this has been the biggest hindrance in the way of India to attain the freedom and independence and but for this we would have been free peoples long long ago. No power can hold another nation, and specially a nation of 400 million souls in subjection; nobody could have conquered you, and even if it had happened, nobody could have continued its hold on you for any length of time but for this. …”

Inter-Muslim differences were put on a par with Hindu-Muslim differences and the fact of “a nation of 400 million souls was accepted.” He added “Therefore, we must learn a lesson from this. You are free; you are free to go to your temples, you are free to go to your mosques or to any other places of worship in this State of Pakistan. You may belong to any religion or caste or creed – that has nothing to do with the business of the State. …”

“Now, I think we should keep that in front of us as our ideal and you will find that in course of time Hindus would cease to be Hindus and Muslims would cease to be Muslims, not in the religious sense, because that is the personal faith of each individual, but in the political sense as citizens of the State.” (ibid.; pp. 403-4).

The theme was repeated with increasing emphasis in passage after passage and it is one which is in accord with the theme for which the vintage Jinnah was known. Later on in October 1947 he advised Muslims in India “to give unflinching loyalty to the state in which they happen to be.” (ibid., p. 420).

One is at a loss to understand why the 11 August 1947 speech is regarded almost as a unique pronouncement. Compare the words he uttered then with what he used at his last press conference in New Delhi on 14 July 1947:

Q. Could you as Governor-General make a brief statement on the minorities problem?

A.  At present I am only Governor-General-designate. We will assume for a moment that on August 15, I shall be really the Governor- General of Pakistan. On that assumption, let me tell you that I shall not depart from what I said repeatedly with regard to the minorities. Every time I spoke about the minorities I meant what I said and what I said I meant.

‘Minorities to whichever community they may belong, will be safeguarded. Their religion or faith or belief will be secure. There will be no interference of any kind with their freedom of worship. They will have their protection with regard to their religion, faith, their life, their culture. They will be, in all respects, the citizens of Pakistan without any distinction of caste or creed.

“They will have their rights and privileges and no doubt, along with it goes the obligation of citizenship. Therefore, the minorities have their responsibilities also and they will play their part in the affairs of this State. As long as the minorities are loyal to the State and owe true allegiance and as long as I have any power, they need have no apprehension of any kind.

Q.  You said that minorities in Pakistan, if they are loyal, will be dealt with generously and justly, may we take it this applies to Muslims in Hindustan as well?

A.  It applies to any minority anywhere in the world. You cannot have a minority which is disloyal and plays the role of sabotaging the State. That minority, of course, becomes intolerable in any State. I advise Hindus and Muslims and every citizen to be loyal to his State.

Q.  Will Pakistan be a secular or theocratic state?

A.  You are asking me a question that is absurd. I do not know what a theocratic state means.

Q. A correspondent suggested that a theocratic state meant a state where only people of a particular religion, for example, Muslims, could be full citizens and non-Muslims would not be full citizens.

A.  Then it seems to me that what I have already said is like throwing water on a duck’s back. When you talk of democracy, I am afraid you have not studied Islam. We learned democracy thirteen centuries ago. “ (Jinnah: Speeches and Statements 1947 – 1948; Oxford University Press Karachi; pp. 13 and 15).

In his interview to Reuters on 25 October 1947 Jinnah recalled his famous speech. “Minorities belonging to different faiths living in Pakistan or Hindustan do not cease to be citizens of the respective States by virtue of their belonging to a particular faith, religion or race. I have repeatedly made it clear, especially in my opening speech to the Constituent Assembly, that the minorities in Pakistan would be treated as our citizens and will enjoy all the rights and privileges that any other community gets. Pakistan shall pursue that policy and do all it can to create a sense of security and confidence in the non-Muslim minorities in Pakistan.

“Every citizen is expected to be loyal to the State and to owe true allegiance to it. The arm of law should be strong enough to deal with any person or section or body of people that is disloyal to the State. We do not, however, prescribe any school boy tests of their loyalty. We shall not say to any Hindu citizen of Pakistan ‘if there was war, would you shoot a Hindu.’” (ibid., p. 61).

Hindus in East Pakistan were assured on 22 March 1948 that the Central and Provincial Government “were now their own Governments.” (ibid.; p. 153).

In a broadcast to the United States in February 1948, he said “In any case Pakistan is not going to be a theocratic State – to be ruled by priests with a divine mission. We have many non-Muslims – Hindus, Christians, and Parsis – but they are all Pakistanis. They will enjoy the same rights and privileges as any other citizens and will play their rightful part in the affairs of Pakistan.” (ibid.; p. 125). He repeatedly characterized Pakistan as a Muslim state; except on one occasion, at Peshawar, predictably. It was at the Edwards College on 18 April 1948 when he described Pakistan as land “under a rule, which is Islamic, Muslim rule, as a sovereign independent State” (ibid., p. 201).

Jinnah could not have failed to learn the reaction the August speech had produced. The speech which Farzana Sheikh considers as a virtual retraction of the August speech must be read in context. He was trying to assuage fears but without committing himself to accepting the demands. He was speaking on the occasion of the Holy Prophet’s (PBUH) birthday at the Bar Association in Karachi. According to the report published in Dawn on 26 January 1948, “Quaid-i-Azam Mohammad Ali Jinnah, Governor-General of Pakistan, speaking at a reception given to him on the Holy Prophet’s (PBUH) birthday, by the Bar Association, Karachi, said ‘Why this feeling of nervousness that the future constitution of Pakistan is going to be in conflict with Shariat Laws?’ The Quaid-i- Azam said ‘Islamic principles today are as applicable to life as they were 1,300 years ago.’

“The Governor-General of Pakistan said that he would like to tell those who are ‘[some are] misled by propaganda’ that not only the Muslims but also the non-Muslims have nothing to fear.

‘Islam and its idealism have taught democracy. Islam has taught equality, justice and fair play to everybody. What reason is there for anyone to fear democracy, equality, freedom on the highest standard of integrity and on the basis of fair play and justice for everybody.’ (ibid.; p. 97).

In this the Quaid-i-Azam adopted the very technique which was later deployed by Charles de Gaulle on 4 June 1958. He had just come to power and desperately needed time, de Gaulle assured the rebellious colors in Algeria “Je vous ai compris … “ (I have understood you). A few days later he spoke of “algerie francaise” (French Algeria). De Gaulle alone could have granted independence to Algeria and that too at the risk of his life. In both cases those in the know knew what the leader was aiming it.

But, ambiguity always exacts a toll especially if used in defining the nation’s identity. “If the trumpet give an uncertain sound, who shall prepare himself to the battle?” (I Corinthian xiv, 8). India is still paying the price for defining itself in the very first Article of the Constitution as “India, that is Bharat. ..” and capping this with a “Directive Principle of State Policy” for banning the slaughter of cows. The likes of Abul Ala Maududi were opposed to the demand for Pakistan. They seized on some stray utterances of the Quaid to argue that he too wanted an Islamic State.

The Pir of Manki Sharif urged Jinnah on 19 July 1947, to establish a separate portfolio “for affairs concerned with Shariat.” (Z.H. Zaidi (ed.) Jinnah Papers, First Series Vol. III; p. 512). The Governor of NWFP Rob Lockhart reported to the Governor-General Lord Mountbatten on 9 August 1947, “dissensions amongst the local League leaders.” He added that “some are annoyed because Jinnah said he could not establish Shariat law” (ibid.; Vol. IV, p. 462).

Jinnah’s rhetoric exacted a toll. Significantly not one political party, not even the Muslim League, over which he had presided for over a decade, championed Jinnah’s credo. Nor did Z. A. Bhutto, by no means a religious person. That was left to a band of intellectuals. Sibte Hasan wrote in Dawn of 28 March 1976 “The Struggle for Secularim is an integral part of the struggle against feudalism.”  In 1986 appeared his book The Battle of Ideas in Pakistan (Pakistan Publishing House, Karachi).

Hasan Zaheer was no Communist. He lamented “had it not been for its involvement in the (Rawalpindi) Conspiracy, the Communist Party might have become a significant element in the mainstream politics in both wings in Pakistan.” (The Times and Trial of the Rawalpindi Conspiracy Case 1951; Oxford University Press, Karachi, p. 208). The lament was made in the specific context of “the feudal and tribal social structure of West Pakistan.” In India, likewise, anti-Communists like this writer noted the Communist Parties’ fight against anti-secular forces. This the legacy which Jinnah’s ambiguous rhetoric left.

The record, like any other, must be viewed as a whole without allowing one’s views to emphasize one or the other statement or factor or circumstance unduly. Seven propositions emerge incontestably. First, Muhammad Ali Jinnah meant every word of what he said on 11 August 1947; Secondly, he was opposed to an Islamic State as understood by its protagonists in Pakistan like Abul Ala Maududi relying on Abul Hasan al-Mawardi and others but of which Jinnah was innocent; Thirdly, he did not demand Pakistan because he wanted to establish an Islamic State. Like others he was concerned at the play of majority rule in a country with communal divisions. The Congress rejected power-sharing in 1937-39 and drove him to ask for partition. It was a political not a religious demand; but, fourthly, his espousal of the pernicious two- nation theory – which he threw out of the window on 11 August 1947

– inescapably brought in Islam as part of the identity of Muslims as he defined it; fifthly, some of Jinnah’s statements in his campaign of political mobilization were just that and no more; sixthly, while Jinnah indubitably described Pakistan as a Muslim State, equally indubitably he insisted on equal rights for all citizens, regardless of their religion. The two-nation theory could be discarded. Pakistan’s identity which it had forged was fixed with a Muslim character; and lastly, even this would disappear with the passage of time as he said all too clearly on 11 August 1947. Therein lies the enduring, undying legacy of Quaid-e- Azam Muhammad Ali Jinnah’s famous speech which the Islamists wish had never been delivered. The speech will remain to inspire all who fight for Jinnah’s Pakistan.

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Essay on Qaid-e-Azam Muhammad Ali Jinnah With Quotations

by Pakiology | Sep 18, 2024 | Essay | 0 comments

Quaid-e-Azam Muhammad Ali Jinnah was a prominent political leader and the founder of Pakistan. Born in Karachi in 1876, Jinnah studied law and became a successful lawyer before entering politics. Over the course of his career, he played a pivotal role in the creation of the country of Pakistan and served as its first Governor-General.

Jinnah’s political career began in 1906 when he joined the Indian National Congress, a political party that sought greater autonomy for India within the British Empire. However, Jinnah quickly became disillusioned with Congress and its leadership, and he left the party in 1913.

In 1919, Jinnah joined the All-India Muslim League, a political party that represented the interests of India’s Muslim population. At the time, many Muslims felt that their rights and interests were not being adequately protected by Congress, and they saw the Muslim League as a way to promote their own political agenda.

Jinnah was a strong advocate for the rights of Muslims in India. In a speech to the All India Muslim League in 1943, he said,

“I have always maintained that the Muslims are a nation apart. The Hindu and the Muslim are two major nations by any definition or test of a nation. We are a nation of a hundred million, and what is more, we are a nation with our own distinctive culture and civilization, language and literature, art and architecture, names and nomenclature, sense of value and proportion, legal laws and moral code, customs and calendar, history and tradition, aptitudes and ambitions.”

In 1940, the Muslim League adopted the Lahore Resolution, which called for the creation of a separate Muslim state in the northwestern and northeastern regions of India. This marked the beginning of the movement for the creation of Pakistan. Jinnah worked tirelessly to achieve this goal, negotiating with the British government and other political parties to secure support for the creation of Pakistan.

In a speech to the Constituent Assembly of Pakistan in 1947, Jinnah said,

“You are free; you are free to go to your temples, you are free to go to your mosques or to any other place of worship in this State of Pakistan. You may belong to any religion or caste or creed – that has nothing to do with the business of the State.”

Jinnah’s efforts finally paid off in 1947 when the British government agreed to partition India and create the independent state of Pakistan. Jinnah became the first Governor-General of Pakistan, and he worked to establish the country’s government and institutions. However, he faced numerous challenges, including a refugee crisis, economic instability, and tensions with India over the disputed territory of Kashmir.

In a speech to the Constituent Assembly of Pakistan in 1948, Jinnah said,

“We are starting with this fundamental principle that we are all citizens and equal citizens of one state. Now I think we should keep that in front of us as our ideal and you will find that in course of time Hindus would cease to be Hindus and Muslims would cease to be Muslims, not in the religious sense, because that is the personal faith of each individual, but in the political sense as citizens of the State.”

Despite these challenges, Jinnah remained committed to building a strong and prosperous Pakistan, and he worked tirelessly to lay the foundations for the country’s future success. He believed that Pakistan should be a country where all citizens, regardless of their gender, religion, or ethnicity, were treated equally and had equal opportunities.

“I have full faith in the future of Pakistan and the destiny of our people. You have to stand guard over the development and maintenance of Islamic democracy, Islamic social justice, and the equality of manhood in your own native soil.”

Jinnah’s legacy as the founder of Pakistan is undeniable. He was a visionary leader who saw the potential for a separate Muslim state and worked tirelessly to achieve it. His efforts were instrumental in the creation of Pakistan, and he remains an important figure in the country’s history. He will always be remembered as the father of the nation.

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Quaid-e-Azam Muhammad Ali Jinnah

Quaid-e-Azam Muhammad Ali Jinnah My Topic is about any Leader, so In this world there are many leaders. We know most of them, but my essay is about “Quaid-e-Azam”. He was a Great politician and statesman of 20th century. He was generally known as the father of state of Pakistan. He was the leader of The Muslim League and served as the first Governor General of Pakistan. Quaid-e-Azam was his official names. His real name is Mohammad Ali Jinnah.

Quaid-e-Azam (“The Great Leader”) and Baba-e-Qaum(“Father of the Nation”) was the name given by the public of Pakistan. Quaid-e-Azam, Muhammad Ali Jinnah was born on 25th December 1876 at Wazir Mansion, Karachi of lower Sindh. He was the first of seven children of Jinnah bhai, who was a rich and successful Gujrati merchant. He moved to Sindh from Gujrat before Jinnah’s birth. His Grandfather’s name is Poonja Gokuldas, which is an Indian name. His cast was Rajput, which is an indian cast but these Rajputs were converted to Islam.

Jinnah’s family belongs to Shiia Islam. At first Jinnah was being taught at home then he was sent to the Sindh Madrasah tul Islam in 1887 and thn changed his school to Gokal Das Taj Primary School in Mumbai and then finally he joined the Christian Missionary Society High School in Karachi, where at 16 he passed the matric examination of the University of Bombay. On the advice of an English friend, his father decided to send him to England to acquire business experience.

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Jinnah, however, had made up his mind to become a barrister, then in the same year 1892, Jinnah joined the office of Graham's Shipping and Trading Company at London, this company had extensive dealings with Jinnahbhai Poonja's firm in Karachi. In keeping the custom of time, his parents urge him for marrige with his distant cousin Emibai Jinnah, who was two years junior of him. His marriage was not to long last, his wife was died when he was on a temporary stay at England then his mother was also passed away. In London, Jinnah left the Trading Company and joined Lincoln's Inn to study Law.

After 3 years at the age of 19 he became the youngest indian to be called to the bar in England and He completed his formal studies and also made a study of the British political system. He was greatly influenced by the liberalism of William E. Gladstone, who had become prime minister for the fourth time in 1892; that was the year of Jinnah's arrival at London. Jinnah also took a keen interest in the affairs of India and in Indian students. When the Parsi leader “Dada bhai Naoroji”, a leading Indian nationalist, tried for the British Parliament then, Jinnah and other Indian students worked day and night for him.

Their efforts were crowned with success, and Naoroji became the first Indian to sit in the House of Commons. When Jinnah returned to Karachi in 1896, he found that his father's business had suffered losses and that he now had to depend on himself. He decided to start his legal practice in Bombay, but it took him years of work to establish himself as a lawyer. It was nearly 10 years later that he turned toward active politics. A man without hobbies, his interest became divided between law and politics. Nor was he a religious zealot: he was a Muslim in a broad sense and had little to do with group discussion about Islam.

His interest in women was also limited to Ruttenbai, the daughter of Sir Dinshaw Petit, a Bombay Parsi millionaire--whom he married over tremendous opposition from her parents and others. The marriage proved an unhappy one. It was his sister Fatima who gave him solace and company. Jinnah first entered politics by participating in the 1906 Calcutta session of the Indian National Congress, Jinnah did not favour totally in Independence, he considered British influences on education, law, culture and industry as beneficial to India.

Jinnah became a member on the sixty-member Imperial Legislative Council. Four years later he was elected one of the sixty-member Imperial Legislative Council, then he was appointed to the Sandhurst committee, which helped to establish the Indian Military Academy at Dehra Dun. During World War I, Jinnah joined other Indian moderates in supporting the British war effort, hoping that Indians would be rewarded with political freedoms. He admired the British political system to raise the status of India in the international community and to develop a sense of Indian nationhood among the peoples of India.

At that time, he still looked upon Muslim interests in the context of Indian nationalism. But, by the beginning of the 20th century, the belief had been growing among the Muslims that their interests demanded the preservation of their separate identity rather than live mixed with in the Indian nation, it is impossible for Muslims to be with Hindus. All-India Muslim League was founded in 1906. But Jinnah was initially avoiding to join it because it was too Muslim oriented. Eventually, he joined the league in 1913 and he became its chief organizer in 1916 at Bombay and was elected president of the Bombay branch.

Ambassador of Hindu-Muslim unity," Jinnah, tried seriously to bring about the political union of Hindus and Muslims. It gave him the title of "the best ambassador of Hindu-Muslim unity". It was largely through his efforts that the Congress and the Muslim League began to hold their annual sessions jointly, to facilitate mutual consultation and participation. In 1915 the two organizations held their meetings in Bombay and in Lucknow in 1916, where the Lucknow Pact was concluded.

Under the terms of the pact, the two organizations put their seal to a scheme of constitutional reform that became their joint demand to the British Government. There was a good deal of give and take, but the Muslims obtained one important right to use the land in the shape of separate electorates, but they have already admit to be true to them by the government in 1909 but upto this time they resisted by the Congress Meanwhile, a new force in Indian politics had appeared in the person of Mohan Das K. Gandhi. Both the Home Rule League and the Indian National Congress had come under his sway.

Opposed to Gandhi's Non-co-operation Movement and his necessary Hindu approach to politics, Jinnah left both the League and the Congress in 1920. For a few years he kept himself away from the main political movements. He continued to be a firm believer in Hindu-Muslim unity and constitutional methods for the achievement of political ends. After his withdrawal from the Congress, he used the Muslim League platform for the theory of his views. But during the 1920s the Muslim League, and with it Jinnah were more prominent by the Congress and the religiously oriented Muslim Khilafat committee.

When the failure of the Non-co-operation Movement and the emergence of Hindu revivalist movements led to antagonism and riots between the Hindus and Muslims, the league gradually began to come into its own. Jinnah's problem during the following years was to convert the league into a progressive political body prepared to co-operate with other organizations working for the good of India. He had to convince the Congress, as a prerequisite for political progress, of the necessity of settling the Hindu-Muslim conflict.

To bring about such a rapprochement was Jinnah's chief purpose during the late 1920s and early 1930s. He worked toward this end within the legislative assembly, at the Round Table Conferences in London (1930-32), and through his 14 points, which included proposals for a federal form of government, greater rights for minorities, one-third representation for Muslims in the central legislature, separation of the predominantly Muslim Sindh region from the rest of the Bombay province, and the introduction of reforms in the north-west Frontier Province.

But he failed. His failure to bring about even minor amendments in the Nehru Committee proposals (1928) over the question of separate electorates and reservation of seats for Muslims in the legislatures frustrated him. He found himself in an odd position at this time; many Muslims thought that he was too nationalistic in his policy and that Muslim interests were not safe in his hands, while the Indian National Congress would not even meet the moderate Muslim demands halfway.

Indeed, the Muslim League was a house divided against itself. The Punjab Muslim League repudiated Jinnah's leadership and organized itself separately. In this unwillingness, Jinnah decided to settle in England. From 1930 to 1935 he remained in London, devoting himself to practice before the Privy Council. But when constitutional changes were in the offing, he was persuaded to return home to reorganize the Muslim League. Soon preparations started for the elections under the Government of India Act of 1935.

Jinnah was still thinking in terms of co-operation between the Muslim League and the Hindu Congress and with coalition governments in the provinces. But the elections of 1937 proved to be a turning point in the relations between the two organizations The Congress obtained an absolute majority in six provinces, and the league did not do particularly well. The Congress decided not to include the league in the formation of provincial governments, and all-Congress governments were excluded.

Jinnah had originally been unreliable about the practicability of Pakistan, An idea that Sir Muhammad Iqbal had proposed to the Muslim League conference of 1930, but before long he became convinced that a Muslim homeland on the Indian subcontinent was the only way of safeguarding Muslim interests and the Muslim way of life. It was not religious persecution that he feared so much as the future exclusion of Muslims from all prospects of advancement within India as soon as power became vested in the close-knit structure of Hindu social organization.

To guard against this danger he carried on a nation-wide campaign to warn his religion fellows for the serious danger of their position, and he converted the Muslim League into a powerful instrument to unite the Muslims into a nation. Jinnah issued a call for all Muslims to launch "Direct Action" on August 16 to "achieve Pakistan" Strikes and protests were planned, but violence broke out all over South Asia, especially in Calcutta and the district of Noakhali in Bengal, and more than 7,000 people were killed in Bihar.

Although viceroy Lord Wavell declared that there was "no satisfactory evidence to that effect", League politicians were blamed by the Congress and the media to arrange the violence. Temporary Government portfolios were announced on October 25, 1946. Muslim people were sworn on October 26, 1946. The League entered the temporary government, but Jinnah avoid from accepting office for himself. This was credited as a major victory for Jinnah, as the League entered government having rejected both plans, and was allowed to appoint an equal number of ministers despite being the minority party.

The Congress agreed to the division of Punjab and Bengal along religious lines in late 1946. The new viceroy Lord Mountbatten and Indian civil servant V. P. Menon proposed a plan that would create a Muslim dominion in West Punjab, East Bengal, Baluchistan and Sindh. After heated and emotional debate, the Congress approved the plan. The North-West Frontier Province voted to join Pakistan in a referendum in July 1947. Jinnah asserted in a speech in Lahore on October 30, 1947 that the League had accepted independence of Pakistan because "the consequences of any other alternative would have been too disastrous to imagine".

Jinnah led his movement with such skill and tenacity that ultimately both the Congress and the British government had no option but to agree to the partitioning of India. Pakistan thus emerged as an independent state in 14th August, 1947. Jinnah became the first head of the new state ‘Pakistan’. He took oath as the first governor general on August 15, 1947. Faced with the serious problems of a young nation, he tackled Pakistan's problems with authority. Quaid-e-Azam Mohammed Ali Jinnah was nominated by the Muslim League as the Governor-General of Pakistan, while the Congress appointed Mountbatten as India's first Governor-General.

Pakistan. He was very hard worker from his student life, he worked hard until over aged and illness in Karachi. He died on 11th September 1948 at Karachi. In recognition of his singular contribution. Indeed, few nations in the world have started on their career with less resources and in more treacherous circumstances. The new nation did not inherit a central government, a capital, an administrative core or an organized defense force. Its social and administrative resources were poor, there was little equipment and still less statistics.

The Punjab holocaust had left vast areas in a shambles with communications disrupted. This, along with the migration of the Hindu and Sikh business and managerial classes, left the economy almost shattered. The treasury was empty, India having denied Pakistan the major share of its cash balances. On top of all this, the still unorganized nation was called upon to feed some eight million refugees who had fled the insecurities and barbarities of the north Indian plains that long, hot summer.

If all this was symptomatic of Pakistan's administrative and economic weakness, the Indian annexation, through military action in November 1947, of Junagadh (which had originally acceded to Pakistan) and the Kashmir war over the State's accession (October 1947-December 1948) exposed her military weakness. The nation desperately needed a charismatic leader at that critical juncture in the nation's history, and he fulfilled that need profoundly. After all, he was more than a mere Governor-General, he was the Quaid-e-Azam who had brought the State into being.

In the ultimate analysis, his very presence at the helm of affairs was responsible for enabling the newly born nation to overcome the terrible crisis on the morrow of its cataclysmic birth. He mustered up the immense prestige and the unquestioning loyalty he commanded among the people to energize them, to raise their morale, and directed the profound feelings of patriotism that the freedom had generated, along constructive channels. Though tired and in poor health, Jinnah yet carried the heaviest part of the burden in that first crucial year.

He laid down the policies of the new state, called attention to the immediate problems confronting the nation and told the members of the Constituent Assembly, the civil servants and the Armed Forces what to do and what the nation expected of them. He saw to it that law and order was maintained at all costs, despite the provocation that the large-scale riots in north India had provided. He moved from Karachi to Lahore for a while and supervised the immediate refugee problem in the Punjab.

He settled the controversial question of the states of Karachi, secured the accession of States, especially of Kalat which seemed problematical and carried on negotiations with Lord Mountbatten for the settlement of the Kashmir Issue. The sense of supreme satisfaction at the fulfillment of his mission that Jinnah told the nation in his last message on 14 August, 1948: "The foundations of your State have been laid and it is now for you to build and build as quickly and as well as you can".

In accomplishing the task he had taken upon himself on the morrow of Pakistan's birth, Jinnah had worked himself to death, but he had, to quote Richard Simons, "contributed more than any other man to Pakistan's survival". How true was Lord Pethick Lawrence, the former Secretary of State for India, when he said, "Gandhi died by the hands of an assassin, Jinnah died by his devotion to Pakistan". Through the 1940s, Jinnah suffered from tuberculosis only his sister and a few others close to him were aware of his condition.

In 1948, Jinnah's health began to falter, hindered further by the heavy workload that had fallen upon him following Pakistan's independence from British Rule. Attempting to recuperate, he spent many months at his official retreat in Ziarat, but died on September 11, 1948 (just over a year after independence) from a combination of tuberculosis and lung cancer. His funeral was followed by the construction of a massive mausoleum (Mazar-e-Quaid) in Karachi to honour him; official and military ceremonies are hosted there on special occasions.

The Agha Khan considered him "the greatest man he ever met", Beverley Nichols, the author of `Verdict on India', called him "the most important man in Asia", and Dr. Kailashnath Katju, the West Bengal Governor in 1948, thought of him as "an outstanding figure of this century not only in India, but in the whole world". While Abdul Rahman Azzam Pasha, Secretary General of the Arab League, called him "one of the greatest leaders in the Muslim world", the Grand Mufti of Palestine considered his death as a "great loss" to the entire world of Islam.

It was, however, given to Surat Chandra Bose, leader of the Forward Bloc wing of the Indian National Congress, to sum up succinctly his personal and political achievements. "Mr. Jinnah" he said on his death in 1948, "was great as a lawyer, once great as a Congressman, great as a leader of Muslims, great as a world politician and diplomat, and greatest of all as a man of action, By Mr. Jinnah's passing away, the world has lost one of the greatest statesmen and Pakistan its life-giver, philosopher and guide". Such was Quaid-e-Azam Mohammed Ali Jinnah, the man and his mission, such the range of his accomplishments and achievements. Analysis:

Quaid-e-Azam was a great leader, brilliant Muslim lawyer and having a great personality. He was an Indian Muslim and not so much believer of Islam, his style was like an English man. He fought for india’s freedom, as the first President of Indian National Congress, but it was hard to continue with them, so he decided to join Muslim League. After joining the Muslim League, his goal was to create a separate, independent homeland for Muslims of the Indian Sub-continent, where they could flourish freely without interference from or competition with the politically, educationally and economically dominant Hindu majority in South Asia.

He was the first Leader, who separated to different nations and religions. He had the believe that every religion has its own ways to spend life, and it was difficult for the Muslims to spend their life in their own way. so he created a separate and independent country for Muslims. Now I want to follow him, and to make Muslims together on one platform, to be a separate Muslim power, against the Jews.

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Home — Essay Samples — Government & Politics — World leaders — Quaid E Azam

Essays on Quaid E Azam

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Quaid-e-azam's Influence on Global Muslim Politics and Identity

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Quaid-e-Azam Muhammad Ali Jinnah death anniversary being observed today

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The 74th death anniversary of the father of the nation, Quaid-e-Azam Muhammad Ali Jinnah is being observed with due solemnity today, with the pledges to follow his golden principles of “unity, faith and discipline”.

The day dawned with special prayers in mosques and other worship places for eternal peace of the departed soul and for peace and prosperity of the country.

Quaid-e-Azam Muhammad Ali Jinnah served as leader of All-India Muslim League from 1913 until Pakistan’s creation on August 14, 1947.

He passed away on this day in 1948 shortly after achieving freedom for the nation.

Radio Pakistan and Pakistan Television are broadcasting special programs today to pay tribute to Quaid-e-Azam for his unmatched services for freedom of Pakistan.

On the occasion Quaid-e-Azam's death anniversary, Quran Khawani was held at Mazar-e-Quaid in Karachi this morning.  

Special prayers for development, prosperity, security and stability and unity of country and nation were offered. Meanwhile, Sindh Governor Kamran Khan Tessori and Sindh Chief Minister Syed Murad Ali Shah along with members of provincial cabinet visited Mazar-e-Quaid, laid floral wreath and offered fateha.

Later talking to media, they expressed determination that following footsteps of father of nation, country would be developed as envisioned by him. The stressed need that all stakeholders setting aside political differences should work together for development, stability and prosperity of country.

President Asif Ali Zardari paying tribute to Quaid-e-Azam Mohammed Ali Jinnah said entire nation is proud of his untiring struggle and unwavering commitment to the right to self-determination that shaped the destiny of millions of Muslims.

He said we are highly indebted to him for his efforts and contributions for the creation of a separate homeland for the Muslims of the sub-continent where they could live with dignity and exercise their political, cultural, and religious rights.

In his message, Prime Minister Shehbaz Sharif has said Quaid-e-Azam stands out as eminent statesman in history.

He said Quaid-e-Azam adeptly led the freedom movement for the Muslims of the Sub-Continent, establishing the world's first Islamic ideological state.

The Prime Minister said that his unwavering commitment to the principles of democracy, social justice, and equality laid the foundation for a nation where every citizen could aspire to thrive despite diverse cultures.

He said that while we honor his legacy, we reaffirm our commitment to realizing Quaid's vision for Pakistan, addressing contemporary challenges with the resolute spirit befitting a great nation.

Abdul Aleem Khan pays tribute to Quaid-e-Azam

On the 76th death anniversary of Quaid-e-Azam Muhammad Ali Jinnah, President of IPP and Federal Minister Abdul Aleem Khan honored the founder of Pakistan through a message shared on social media. In his tribute, Khan emphasized the importance of Jinnah’s guiding principles and how they continue to serve as a beacon for the nation.

"Pakistan was established due to the visionary leadership of Quaid-e-Azam, whose untiring efforts, honesty, and truthfulness remain a source of inspiration for all," Khan said.

He reiterated Jinnah’s dream of transforming Pakistan into a strong welfare state grounded in democratic values, urging the nation to follow Jinnah's principles to achieve its true potential.

Khan highlighted that the Quaid’s legacy of non-violence and his positive political approach were central to Pakistan's creation.

He also called on all citizens to play their part, individually and collectively, in ensuring the country’s survival, peace, and security, in line with the ideals of Jinnah.

• Quaid-e-Azam

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