National Academies Press: OpenBook

Adding It Up: Helping Children Learn Mathematics (2001)

Chapter: 4 the strands of mathematical proficiency, 4 the strands of mathematical proficiency.

During the twentieth century, the meaning of successful mathematics learning underwent several shifts in response to changes in both society and schooling. For roughly the first half of the century, success in learning the mathematics of pre-kindergarten to eighth grade usually meant facility in using the computational procedures of arithmetic, with many educators emphasizing the need for skilled performance and others emphasizing the need for students to learn procedures with understanding. 1 In the 1950s and 1960s, the new math movement defined successful mathematics learning primarily in terms of understanding the structure of mathematics together with its unifying ideas, and not just as computational skill. This emphasis was followed by a “back to basics” movement that proposed returning to the view that success in mathematics meant being able to compute accurately and quickly. The reform movement of the 1980s and 1990s pushed the emphasis toward what was called the development of “mathematical power,” which involved reasoning, solving problems, connecting mathematical ideas, and communicating mathematics to others. Reactions to reform proposals stressed such features of mathematics learning as the importance of memorization, of facility in computation, and of being able to prove mathematical assertions. These various emphases have reflected different goals for school mathematics held by different groups of people at different times.

Our analyses of the mathematics to be learned, our reading of the research in cognitive psychology and mathematics education, our experience as learners and teachers of mathematics, and our judgment as to the mathematical knowledge, understanding, and skill people need today have led us to adopt a

composite, comprehensive view of successful mathematics learning. This view, admittedly, represents no more than a single committee’s consensus. Yet our various backgrounds have led us to formulate, in a way that we hope others can and will accept, the goals toward which mathematics learning should be aimed. In this chapter, we describe the kinds of cognitive changes that we want to promote in children so that they can be successful in learning mathematics.

Recognizing that no term captures completely all aspects of expertise, competence, knowledge, and facility in mathematics, we have chosen mathematical proficiency to capture what we believe is necessary for anyone to learn mathematics successfully. Mathematical proficiency, as we see it, has five components, or strands:

conceptual understanding —comprehension of mathematical concepts, operations, and relations

procedural fluency —skill in carrying out procedures flexibly, accurately, efficiently, and appropriately

strategic competence —ability to formulate, represent, and solve mathematical problems

adaptive reasoning —capacity for logical thought, reflection, explanation, and justification

productive disposition —habitual inclination to see mathematics as sensible, useful, and worthwhile, coupled with a belief in diligence and one’s own efficacy.

These strands are not independent; they represent different aspects of a complex whole. Each is discussed in more detail below. The most important observation we make here, one stressed throughout this report, is that the five strands are interwoven and interdependent in the development of profi ciency in mathematics (see Box 4–1 ). Mathematical proficiency is not a one-dimensional trait, and it cannot be achieved by focusing on just one or two of these strands. In later chapters, we argue that helping children acquire mathematical proficiency calls for instructional programs that address all its strands. As they go from pre-kindergarten to eighth grade, all students should become increasingly proficient in mathematics. That proficiency should enable them to cope with the mathematical challenges of daily life and enable them to continue their study of mathematics in high school and beyond.

The five strands are interwoven and interdependent in the development of proficiency in mathematics.

The five strands provide a framework for discussing the knowledge, skills, abilities, and beliefs that constitute mathematical proficiency. This frame-

work has some similarities with the one used in recent mathematics assessments by the National Assessment of Educational Progress (NAEP), which features three mathematical abilities (conceptual understanding, procedural knowledge, and problem solving) and includes additional specifications for reasoning, connections, and communication. 2 The strands also echo components of mathematics learning that have been identified in materials for teachers. At the same time, research and theory in cognitive science provide general support for the ideas contributing to these five strands. Fundamental in that work has been the central role of mental representations. How learners represent and connect pieces of knowledge is a key factor in whether they will understand it deeply and can use it in problem solving. Cognitive

scientists have concluded that competence in an area of inquiry depends upon knowledge that is not merely stored but represented mentally and organized (connected and structured) in ways that facilitate appropriate retrieval and application. Thus, learning with understanding is more powerful than simply memorizing because the organization improves retention, promotes fluency, and facilitates learning related material. The central notion that strands of competence must be interwoven to be useful reflects the finding that having a deep understanding requires that learners connect pieces of knowledge, and that connection in turn is a key factor in whether they can use what they know productively in solving problems. Furthermore, cognitive science studies of problem solving have documented the importance of adaptive expertise and of what is called metacognition: knowledge about one’s own thinking and ability to monitor one’s own understanding and problem-solving activity. These ideas contribute to what we call strategic competence and adaptive reasoning. Finally, learning is also influenced by motivation, a component of productive disposition. 3

Although there is not a perfect fit between the strands of mathematical proficiency and the kinds of knowledge and processes identified by cognitive scientists, mathematics educators, and others investigating learning, we see the strands as reflecting a firm, sizable body of scholarly literature both in and outside mathematics education.

Conceptual Understanding

Conceptual understanding refers to an integrated and functional grasp of mathematical ideas. Students with conceptual understanding know more than isolated facts and methods. They understand why a mathematical idea is important and the kinds of contexts in which is it useful. They have organized their knowledge into a coherent whole, which enables them to learn new ideas by connecting those ideas to what they already know. 4 Conceptual understanding also supports retention. Because facts and methods learned with understanding are connected, they are easier to remember and use, and they can be reconstructed when forgotten. 5 If students understand a method, they are unlikely to remember it incorrectly. They monitor what they remember and try to figure out whether it makes sense. They may attempt to explain the method to themselves and correct it if necessary. Although teachers often look for evidence of conceptual understanding in students’ ability to verbalize connections among concepts and representations, conceptual understanding need not be explicit. Students often understand before they can verbalize that understanding. 6

Conceptual understanding refers to an integrated and functional grasp of mathematical ideas.

A significant indicator of conceptual understanding is being able to represent mathematical situations in different ways and knowing how different representations can be useful for different purposes. To find one’s way around the mathematical terrain, it is important to see how the various representations connect with each other, how they are similar, and how they are different. The degree of students’ conceptual understanding is related to the richness and extent of the connections they have made.

conceptual understanding and problem solving

Connections are most useful when they link related concepts and methods in appropriate ways. Mnemonic techniques learned by rote may provide connections among ideas that make it easier to perform mathematical operations, but they also may not lead to understanding. 7 These are not the kinds of connections that best promote the acquisition of mathematical proficiency.

Knowledge that has been learned with understanding provides the basis for generating new knowledge and for solving new and unfamiliar problems. 8 When students have acquired conceptual understanding in an area of mathematics, they see the connections among concepts and procedures and can give arguments to explain why some facts are consequences of others. They gain confidence, which then provides a base from which they can move to another level of understanding.

With respect to the learning of number, when students thoroughly understand concepts and procedures such as place value and operations with single-digit numbers, they can extend these concepts and procedures to new areas. For example, students who understand place value and other multidigit number concepts are more likely than students without such understanding to invent their own procedures for multicolumn addition and to adopt correct procedures for multicolumn subtraction that others have presented to them. 9

Thus, learning how to add and subtract multidigit numbers does not have to involve entirely new and unrelated ideas. The same observation can be made for multiplication and division.

Conceptual understanding helps students avoid many critical errors in solving problems, particularly errors of magnitude. For example, if they are multiplying 9.83 and 7.65 and get 7519.95 for the answer, they can immediately decide that it cannot be right. They know that 10×8 is only 80, so multiplying two numbers less than 10 and 8 must give a product less than 80. They might then suspect that the decimal point is incorrectly placed and check that possibility.

Conceptual understanding frequently results in students having less to learn because they can see the deeper similarities between superficially unrelated situations. Their understanding has been encapsulated into compact clusters of interrelated facts and principles. The contents of a given cluster may be summarized by a short sentence or phrase like “properties of multiplication,” which is sufficient for use in many situations. If necessary, however, the cluster can be unpacked if the student needs to explain a principle, wants to reflect on a concept, or is learning new ideas. Often, the structure of students’ understanding is hierarchical, with simpler clusters of ideas packed into larger, more complex ones. A good example of a knowledge cluster for mathematically proficient older students is the number line. In one easily visualized picture, the student can grasp relations between all the number systems described in chapter 3 , along with geometric interpretations for the operations of arithmetic. It connects arithmetic to geometry and later in schooling serves as a link to more advanced mathematics.

As an example of how a knowledge cluster can make learning easier, consider the cluster students might develop for adding whole numbers. If students understand that addition is commutative (e.g., 3+5=5+3), their learning of basic addition combinations is reduced by almost half. By exploiting their knowledge of other relationships such as that between the doubles (e.g., 5+5 and 6+6) and other sums, they can reduce still further the number of addition combinations they need to learn. Because young children tend to learn the doubles fairly early, they can use them to produce closely related sums. 10 For example, they may see that 6+7 is just one more than 6+6. These relations make it easier for students to learn the new addition combinations because they are generating new knowledge rather than relying on rote memorization. Conceptual understanding, therefore, is a wise investment that pays off for students in many ways.

Procedural Fluency

Procedural fluency refers to knowledge of procedures, knowledge of when and how to use them appropriately, and skill in performing them flexibly, accurately, and efficiently. In the domain of number, procedural fluency is especially needed to support conceptual understanding of place value and the meanings of rational numbers. It also supports the analysis of similarities and differences between methods of calculating. These methods include, in addition to written procedures, mental methods for finding certain sums, differences, products, or quotients, as well as methods that use calculators, computers, or manipulative materials such as blocks, counters, or beads.

Procedural fluency refers to knowledge of procedures, knowledge of when and how to use them appropriately, and skill in performing them flexibly, accurately, and efficiently.

Students need to be efficient and accurate in performing basic computations with whole numbers (6+7, 17–9, 8×4, and so on) without always having to refer to tables or other aids. They also need to know reasonably efficient and accurate ways to add, subtract, multiply, and divide multidigit numbers, both mentally and with pencil and paper. A good conceptual understanding of place value in the base-10 system supports the development of fluency in multidigit computation. 11 Such understanding also supports simplified but accurate mental arithmetic and more flexible ways of dealing with numbers than many students ultimately achieve.

Connected with procedural fluency is knowledge of ways to estimate the result of a procedure. It is not as critical as it once was, for example, that students develop speed or efficiency in calculating with large numbers by hand, and there appears to be little value in drilling students to achieve such a goal. But many tasks involving mathematics in everyday life require facility with algorithms for performing computations either mentally or in writing.

In addition to providing tools for computing, some algorithms are important as concepts in their own right, which again illustrates the link between conceptual understanding and procedural fluency. Students need to see that procedures can be developed that will solve entire classes of problems, not just individual problems. By studying algorithms as “general procedures,” students can gain insight into the fact that mathematics is well structured (highly organized, filled with patterns, predictable) and that a carefully developed procedure can be a powerful tool for completing routine tasks.

It is important for computational procedures to be efficient, to be used accurately, and to result in correct answers. Both accuracy and efficiency can be improved with practice, which can also help students maintain fluency. Students also need to be able to apply procedures flexibly. Not all computational situations are alike. For example, applying a standard pencil-and-paper algorithm to find the result of every multiplication problem is neither neces-

sary nor efficient. Students should be able to use a variety of mental strategies to multiply by 10, 20, or 300 (or any power of 10 or multiple of 10). Also, students should be able to perform such operations as finding the sum of 199 and 67 or the product of 4 and 26 by using quick mental strategies rather than relying on paper and pencil. Further, situations vary in their need for exact answers. Sometimes an estimate is good enough, as in calculating a tip on a bill at a restaurant. Sometimes using a calculator or computer is more appropriate than using paper and pencil, as in completing a complicated tax form. Hence, students need facility with a variety of computational tools, and they need to know how to select the appropriate tool for a given situation.

Procedural fluency and conceptual understanding are often seen as competing for attention in school mathematics. But pitting skill against understanding creates a false dichotomy. 12 As we noted earlier, the two are interwoven. Understanding makes learning skills easier, less susceptible to common errors, and less prone to forgetting. By the same token, a certain level of skill is required to learn many mathematical concepts with understanding, and using procedures can help strengthen and develop that understanding. For example, it is difficult for students to understand multidigit calculations if they have not attained some reasonable level of skill in single-digit calculations. On the other hand, once students have learned procedures without understanding, it can be difficult to get them to engage in activities to help them understand the reasons underlying the procedure. 13 In an experimental study, fifth-grade students who first received instruction on procedures for calculating area and perimeter followed by instruction on understanding those procedures did not perform as well as students who received instruction focused only on understanding. 14

Without sufficient procedural fluency, students have trouble deepening their understanding of mathematical ideas or solving mathematics problems. The attention they devote to working out results they should recall or compute easily prevents them from seeing important relationships. Students need well-timed practice of the skills they are learning so that they are not handicapped in developing the other strands of proficiency.

When students practice procedures they do not understand, there is a danger they will practice incorrect procedures, thereby making it more difficult to learn correct ones. For example, on one standardized test, the grade 2 national norms for two-digit subtraction problems requiring borrowing, such as 62–48=?, are 38% correct. Many children subtract the smaller from the larger digit in each column to get 26 as the difference between 62 and 48 (see Box 4–2 ). If students learn to subtract with understanding, they rarely make

this error. 15 Further, when students learn a procedure without understanding, they need extensive practice so as not to forget the steps. If students do understand, they are less likely to forget critical steps and are more likely to be able to reconstruct them when they do. Shifting the emphasis to learning with understanding, therefore, can in the long run lead to higher levels of skill than can be attained by practice alone.

If students have been using incorrect procedures for several years, then instruction emphasizing understanding may be less effective. 16 When children learn a new, correct procedure, they do not always drop the old one. Rather, they use either the old procedure or the new one depending on the situation. Only with time and practice do they stop using incorrect or inefficient methods. 17 Hence initial learning with understanding can make learning more efficient.

When skills are learned without understanding, they are learned as isolated bits of knowledge. 18 Learning new topics then becomes harder since there is no network of previously learned concepts and skills to link a new topic to. This practice leads to a compartmentalization of procedures that can become quite extreme, so that students believe that even slightly different problems require different procedures. That belief can arise among children in the early grades when, for example, they learn one procedure for subtraction problems without regrouping and another for subtraction problems with regrouping. Another consequence when children learn without understanding is that they separate what happens in school from what happens outside. 19 They have one set of procedures for solving problems outside of school and another they learned and use in school—without seeing the relation between the two. This separation limits children’s ability to apply what they learn in school to solve real problems.

Also, students who learn procedures without understanding can typically do no more than apply the learned procedures, whereas students who learn

with understanding can modify or adapt procedures to make them easier to use. For example, students with limited understanding of addition would ordinarily need paper and pencil to add 598 and 647. Students with more understanding would recognize that 598 is only 2 less than 600, so they might add 600 and 647 and then subtract 2 from that sum. 20

Strategic Competence

Strategic competence refers to the ability to formulate mathematical problems, represent them, and solve them. This strand is similar to what has been called problem solving and problem formulation in the literature of mathematics education and cognitive science, and mathematical problem solving, in particular, has been studied extensively. 21

Strategic competence refers to the ability to formulate mathematical problems, represent them, and solve them.

Although in school, students are often presented with clearly specified problems to solve, outside of school they encounter situations in which part of the difficulty is to figure out exactly what the problem is. Then they need to formulate the problem so that they can use mathematics to solve it. Consequently, they are likely to need experience and practice in problem formulating as well as in problem solving. They should know a variety of solution strategies as well as which strategies might be useful for solving a specific problem. For example, sixth graders might be asked to pose a problem on the topic of the school cafeteria. 22 Some might ask whether the lunches are too expensive or what the most and least favorite lunches are. Others might ask how many trays are used or how many cartons of milk are sold. Still others might ask how the layout of the cafeteria might be improved.

With a formulated problem in hand, the student’s first step in solving it is to represent it mathematically in some fashion, whether numerically, symbolically, verbally, or graphically. Fifth graders solving problems about getting from home to school might describe verbally the route they take or draw a scale map of the neighborhood. Representing a problem situation requires, first, that the student build a mental image of its essential components. Becoming strategically competent involves an avoidance of “number grabbing” methods (in which the student selects numbers and prepares to perform arithmetic operations on them) 23 in favor of methods that generate problem models (in which the student constructs a mental model of the variables and relations described in the problem). To represent a problem accurately, students must first understand the situation, including its key features. They then need to generate a mathematical representation of the problem that captures the core mathematical elements and ignores the irrelevant features. This

step may be facilitated by making a drawing, writing an equation, or creating some other tangible representation. Consider the following two-step problem:

At ARCO, gas sells for $1.13 per gallon.

This is 5 cents less per gallon than gas at Chevron.

How much does 5 gallons of gas cost at Chevron?

In a common superficial method for representing this problem, students focus on the numbers in the problem and use so-called keywords to cue appropriate arithmetic operations. 24 For example, the quantities $1.83 and 5 cents are followed by the keyword less, suggesting that the student should subtract 5 cents from $1.13 to get $1.08. Then the keywords how much and 5 gallons suggest that 5 should be multiplied by the result, yielding $5.40.

In contrast, a more proficient approach is to construct a problem model— that is, a mental model of the situation described in the problem. A problem model is not a visual picture per se; rather, it is any form of mental representation that maintains the structural relations among the variables in the problem. One way to understand the first two sentences, for example, might be for a student to envision a number line and locate each cost per gallon on it to solve the problem.

In building a problem model, students need to be alert to the quantities in the problem. It is particularly important that students represent the quantities mentally, distinguishing what is known from what is to be found. Analyses of students’ eye fixations reveal that successful solvers of the two-step problem above are likely to focus on terms such as ARCO, Chevron, and this, the principal known and unknown quantities in the problem. Less successful problem solvers tend to focus on specific numbers and keywords such as $1.13, 5 cents, less, and 5 gallons rather than the relationships among the quantities. 25

Not only do students need to be able to build representations of individual situations, but they also need to see that some representations share common mathematical structures. Novice problem solvers are inclined to notice similarities in surface features of problems, such as the characters or scenarios described in the problem. More expert problem solvers focus more on the structural relationships within problems, relationships that provide the clues for how problems might be solved. 26 For example, one problem might ask students to determine how many different stacks of five blocks can be made using red and green blocks, and another might ask how many different ways hamburgers can be ordered with or without each of the following:

catsup, onions, pickles, lettuce, and tomato. Novices would see these problems as unrelated; experts would see both as involving five choices between two things: red and green, or with and without. 27

In becoming proficient problem solvers, students learn how to form mental representations of problems, detect mathematical relationships, and devise novel solution methods when needed. A fundamental characteristic needed throughout the problem-solving process is flexibility. Flexibility develops through the broadening of knowledge required for solving nonroutine problems rather than just routine problems.

Routine problems are problems that the learner knows how to solve based on past experience. 28 When confronted with a routine problem, the learner knows a correct solution method and is able to apply it. Routine problems require reproductive thinking; the learner needs only to reproduce and apply a known solution procedure. For example, finding the product of 567 and 46 is a routine problem for most adults because they know what to do and how to do it.

In contrast, nonroutine problems are problems for which the learner does not immediately know a usable solution method. Nonroutine problems require productive thinking because the learner needs to invent a way to understand and solve the problem. For example, for most adults a nonroutine problem of the sort often found in newspaper or magazine puzzle columns is the following:

A cycle shop has a total of 36 bicycles and tricycles in stock.

Collectively there are 80 wheels.

How many bikes and how many tricycles are there?

One solution approach is to reason that all 36 have at least two wheels for a total of 36×2=72 wheels. Since there are 80 wheels in all, the eight additional wheels (80–72) must belong to 8 tricycles. So there are 36–8=28 bikes.

A less sophisticated approach would be to “guess and check”: If there were 20 bikes and 16 tricycles, that would give (20×2)+(16×3)=88 wheels, which is too many. Reducing the number of tricycles, a guess of 24 bikes and 12 tricycles gives (24×2)+(12×3)=84 wheels—still too many. Another reduction of the number of tricycles by 4 gives 28 bikes, 8 tricycles, and the 80 wheels needed.

A more sophisticated, algebraic approach would be to let b be the number of bikes and t the number of tricycles. Then b + t =36 and 2 b +3 t =80. The solution to this system of equations also yields 28 bikes and 8 tricycles.

A student with strategic competence could not only come up with several approaches to a nonroutine problem such as this one but could also choose flexibly among reasoning, guess-and-check, algebraic, or other methods to suit the demands presented by the problem and the situation in which it was posed.

Flexibility of approach is the major cognitive requirement for solving nonroutine problems. It can be seen when a method is created or adjusted to fit the requirements of a novel situation, such as being able to use general principles about proportions to determine the best buy. For example, when the choice is between a 4-ounce can of peanuts for 45 cents and a 10-ounce can for 90 cents, most people use a ratio strategy: the larger can costs twice as much as the smaller can but contains more than twice as many ounces, so it is a better buy. When the choice is between a 14-ounce jar of sauce for 79 cents and an 18-ounce jar for 81 cents, most people use a difference strategy: the larger jar costs just 2 cents more but gets you 4 more ounces, so it is the better buy. When the choice is between a 3-ounce bag of sunflower seeds for 30 cents and a 4-ounce bag for 44 cents, the most common strategy is unit-cost: The smaller bag costs 10 cents per ounce, whereas the larger costs 11 cents per ounce, so the smaller one is the better buy.

There are mutually supportive relations between strategic competence and both conceptual understanding and procedural fluency, as the various approaches to the cycle shop problem illustrate. The development of strategies for solving nonroutine problems depends on understanding the quantities involved in the problems and their relationships as well as on fluency in solving routine problems. Similarly, developing competence in solving nonroutine problems provides a context and motivation for learning to solve routine problems and for understanding concepts such as given, unknown, condition, and solution .

There are mutually supportive relations between strategic competence and both conceptual understanding and procedural fluency,

Strategic competence comes into play at every step in developing procedural fluency in computation. As students learn how to carry out an operation such as two-digit subtraction (for example, 86–59), they typically progress from conceptually transparent and effortful procedures to compact and more efficient ones (as discussed in detail in chapter 6 ). For example, an initial procedure for 86–59 might be to use bundles of sticks (see Box 4–3 ). A compact procedure involves applying a written numerical algorithm that carries out the same steps without the bundles of sticks. Part of developing strategic competence involves learning to replace by more concise and efficient procedures those cumbersome procedures that might at first have been helpful in understanding the operation.

Students develop procedural fluency as they use their strategic competence to choose among effective procedures. They also learn that solving challenging mathematics problems depends on the ability to carry out procedures readily and, conversely, that problem-solving experience helps them acquire new concepts and skills. Interestingly, very young children use a variety of strategies to solve problems and will tend to select strategies that are well suited to particular problems. 29 They thereby show the rudiments of adaptive reasoning, the next strand to be discussed.

Adaptive Reasoning

Adaptive reasoning refers to the capacity to think logically about the relationships among concepts and situations. Such reasoning is correct and valid, stems from careful consideration of alternatives, and includes knowledge of how to justify the conclusions. In mathematics, adaptive reasoning is the glue that holds everything together, the lodestar that guides learning. One uses it to navigate through the many facts, procedures, concepts, and solution methods and to see that they all fit together in some way, that they make sense. In mathematics, deductive reasoning is used to settle disputes and disagreements. Answers are right because they follow from some agreed-upon assumptions through series of logical steps. Students who disagree about a mathematical answer need not rely on checking with the teacher, collecting opinions from their classmates, or gathering data from outside the classroom. In principle, they need only check that their reasoning is valid.

Adaptive reasoning refers to the capacity to think logically about the relationships among concepts and situations.

Many conceptions of mathematical reasoning have been confined to formal proof and other forms of deductive reasoning. Our notion of adaptive reasoning is much broader, including not only informal explanation and justification but also intuitive and inductive reasoning based on pattern, analogy, and metaphor. As one researcher put it, “The human ability to find analogical correspondences is a powerful reasoning mechanism.” 30 Analogical reasoning, metaphors, and mental and physical representations are “tools to think with,” often serving as sources of hypotheses, sources of problem-solving operations and techniques, and aids to learning and transfer. 31

Some researchers have concluded that children’s reasoning ability is quite limited until they are about 12 years old. 32 Yet when asked to talk about how they arrived at their solutions to problems, children as young as 4 and 5 display evidence of encoding and inference and are resistant to counter suggestion. 33 With the help of representation-building experiences, children can demonstrate sophisticated reasoning abilities. After working in pairs and

conceptual understanding and problem solving

One manifestation of adaptive reasoning is the ability to justify one’s work. We use justify in the sense of “provide sufficient reason for.” Proof is a form of justification, but not all justifications are proofs. Proofs (both formal and informal) must be logically complete, but a justification may be more telegraphic, merely suggesting the source of the reasoning. Justification and proof are a hallmark of formal mathematics, often seen as the province of older students. However, as pointed out above, students can start learning to justify their mathematical ideas in the earliest grades in elementary school. 38 Kindergarten and first-grade students can be given regular opportunities to talk about the concepts and procedures they are using and to provide good reasons for what they are doing. Classroom norms can be established in which students are expected to justify their mathematical claims and make them clear to others. Students need to be able to justify and explain ideas in order to make their reasoning clear, hone their reasoning skills, and improve their conceptual understanding. 39

It is not sufficient to justify a procedure just once. As we discuss below, the development of proficiency occurs over an extended period of time. Students need to use new concepts and procedures for some time and to explain and justify them by relating them to concepts and procedures that they already understand. For example, it is not sufficient for students to do only practice problems on adding fractions after the procedure has been developed. If students are to understand the algorithm, they also need experience in explaining and justifying it themselves with many different problems.

Adaptive reasoning interacts with the other strands of proficiency, particularly during problem solving. Learners draw on their strategic competence to formulate and represent a problem, using heuristic approaches that may provide a solution strategy, but adaptive reasoning must take over when

they are determining the legitimacy of a proposed strategy. Conceptual understanding provides metaphors and representations that can serve as a source of adaptive reasoning, which, taking into account the limitations of the representations, learners use to determine whether a solution is justifiable and then to justify it. Often a solution strategy will require fluent use of procedures for calculation, measurement, or display, but adaptive reasoning should be used to determine whether the procedure is appropriate. And while carrying out a solution plan, learners use their strategic competence to monitor their progress toward a solution and to generate alternative plans if the current plan seems ineffective. This approach both depends upon productive disposition and supports it.

Productive Disposition

Productive disposition refers to the tendency to see sense in mathematics, to perceive it as both useful and worthwhile, to believe that steady effort in learning mathematics pays off, and to see oneself as an effective learner and doer of mathematics. 40 If students are to develop conceptual understanding, procedural fluency, strategic competence, and adaptive reasoning abilities, they must believe that mathematics is understandable, not arbitrary; that, with diligent effort, it can be learned and used; and that they are capable of figuring it out. Developing a productive disposition requires frequent opportunities to make sense of mathematics, to recognize the benefits of perseverance, and to experience the rewards of sense making in mathematics.

Productive disposition refers to the tendency to see sense in mathematics, to perceive it as both useful and worthwhile, to believe that steady effort in learning mathematics pays off, and to see oneself as an effective learner and doer of mathematics.

A productive disposition develops when the other strands do and helps each of them develop. For example, as students build strategic competence in solving nonroutine problems, their attitudes and beliefs about themselves as mathematics learners become more positive. The more mathematical concepts they understand, the more sensible mathematics becomes. In contrast, when students are seldom given challenging mathematical problems to solve, they come to expect that memorizing rather than sense making paves the road to learning mathematics, 41 and they begin to lose confidence in themselves as learners. Similarly, when students see themselves as capable of learning mathematics and using it to solve problems, they become able to develop further their procedural fluency or their adaptive reasoning abilities. Students’ disposition toward mathematics is a major factor in determining their educational success. Students who view their mathematical ability as fixed and test questions as measuring their ability rather than providing opportunities to learn are likely to avoid challenging problems and be easily dis-

couraged by failure. 42 Students who view ability as expandable in response to experience and training are more likely to seek out challenging situations and learn from them. Cross-cultural research studies have found that U.S. children are more likely to attribute success in school to ability rather than effort when compared with students in East Asian countries. 43

Most U.S. children enter school eager to learn and with positive attitudes toward mathematics. It is critical that they encounter good mathematics teaching in the early grades. Otherwise, those positive attitudes may turn sour as they come to see themselves as poor learners and mathematics as nonsensical, arbitrary, and impossible to learn except by rote memorization. 44 Such views, once adopted, can be extremely difficult to change. 45

The teacher of mathematics plays a critical role in encouraging students to maintain positive attitudes toward mathematics. How a teacher views mathematics and its learning affects that teacher’s teaching practice, 46 which ultimately affects not only what the students learn but how they view themselves as mathematics learners. Teachers and students inevitably negotiate among themselves the norms of conduct in the class, and when those norms allow students to be comfortable in doing mathematics and sharing their ideas with others, they see themselves as capable of understanding. 47 In chapter 9 we discuss some of the ways in which teachers’ expectations and the teaching strategies they use can help students maintain a positive attitude toward mathematics, and in chapter 10 we discuss some programs of teacher development that may help teachers in that endeavor.

An earlier report from the National Research Council identified the cause of much poor performance in school mathematics in the United States:

The unrestricted power of peer pressure often makes good performance in mathematics socially unacceptable. This environment of negative expectation is strongest among minorities and women— those most at risk—during the high school years when students first exercise choice in curricular goals. 48

Some of the most important consequences of students’ failure to develop a productive disposition toward mathematics occur in high school, when they have the opportunity to avoid challenging mathematics courses. Avoiding such courses may eliminate the need to face up to peer pressure and other sources of discouragement, but it does so at the expense of precluding careers in science, technology, medicine, and other fields that require a high level of mathematical proficiency.

Research with older students and adults suggests that a phenomenon termed stereotype threat might account for much of the observed differences in mathematics performance between ethnic groups and between male and female students. 49 In this phenomenon, good students who care about their performance in mathematics and who belong to groups stereotyped as being poor at mathematics perform poorly on difficult mathematics problems under conditions in which they feel pressure to conform to the stereotype. So-called wise educational environments 50 can reduce the harmful effects of stereotype threat. These environments emphasize optimistic teacher-student relationships, give challenging work to all students, and stress the expandability of ability, among other factors.

Students who have developed a productive disposition are confident in their knowledge and ability. They see that mathematics is both reasonable and intelligible and believe that, with appropriate effort and experience, they can learn. It is counterproductive for students to believe that there is some mysterious “math gene” that determines their success in mathematics.

Hence, our view of mathematical proficiency goes beyond being able to understand, compute, solve, and reason. It includes a disposition toward mathematics that is personal. Mathematically proficient people believe that mathematics should make sense, that they can figure it out, that they can solve mathematical problems by working hard on them, and that becoming mathematically proficient is worth the effort.

Properties of Mathematical Proficiency

Now that we have looked at each strand separately, let us consider mathematical proficiency as a whole. As we indicated earlier and as the preceding discussion illustrates, the five strands are interconnected and must work together if students are to learn successfully. Learning is not an all-or-none phenomenon, and as it proceeds, each strand of mathematical proficiency should be developed in synchrony with the others. That development takes time. One of the most challenging tasks faced by teachers in pre-kindergarten to grade 8 is to see that children are making progress along every strand and not just one or two.

Learning is not an all-or-none phenomenon, and as it proceeds, each strand of mathematical proficiency should be developed in synchrony with the others.

The Strands of Proficiency Are interwoven

How the strands of mathematical proficiency interweave and support one another can be seen in the case of conceptual understanding and procedural fluency. Current research indicates that these two strands of proficiency con-

tinually interact. 51 As a child gains conceptual understanding, computational procedures are remembered better and used more flexibly to solve new problems. In turn, as a procedure becomes more automatic, the child is enabled to think about other aspects of a problem and to tackle new kinds of problems, which leads to new understanding. When using a procedure, a child may reflect on why the procedure works, which may in turn strengthen existing conceptual understanding. 52 Indeed, it is not always necessary, useful, or even possible to distinguish concepts from procedures because understanding and doing are interconnected in such complex ways.

Consider, for instance, the multiplication of multidigit whole numbers. Many algorithms for computing 47×268 use one basic meaning of multiplication as 47 groups of 268, together with place-value knowledge of 47 as 40+7, to break the problem into two simpler ones: 40×268 and 7×268. For example, a common algorithm for computing 47×268 is written the following way, with the two so-called partial products, 10720 and 1876, coming from the two simpler problems:

conceptual understanding and problem solving

Familiarity with this algorithm may make it hard for adults to see how much knowledge is needed for it. It requires knowing that 40×268 is 4×10×268; knowing that in the product of 268 and 10, each digit of 268 is one place to the left; having enough fluency with basic multiplication combinations to find 7×8, 7×60, 7×200, and 4×8, 4×60, 4×200; and having enough fluency with multidigit addition to add the partial products. As students learn to execute a multidigit multiplication procedure such as this one, they should develop a deeper understanding of multiplication and its properties. On the other hand, as they deepen their conceptual understanding, they should become more fluent in computation. A beginner who happens to forget the algorithm but who understands the role of the distributive law can reconstruct the process by writing 268×47=268×(40+7)=(268×40)+(268×7) and working from there. A beginner who has simply memorized the algorithm without understanding much about how it works can be lost later when memory fails.

Proficiency is Not All or Nothing

Mathematical proficiency cannot be characterized as simply present or absent. Every important mathematical idea can be understood at many levels and in many ways. For example, even seemingly simple concepts such as even and odd require an integration of several ways of thinking: choosing alternate points on the number line, grouping items by twos, grouping items into two groups, and looking at only the last digit of the number. When children are first learning about even and odd, they may know one or two of these interpretations. 53 But at an older age, a deep understanding of even and odd means all four interpretations are connected and can be justified one based on the others.

The research cited in chapter 5 shows that schoolchildren are never complete mathematical novices. They bring important mathematical concepts and skills with them to school as well as misconceptions that must be taken into account in planning instruction. Obviously, a first grader’s understanding of addition is not the same as that of a mathematician or even a lay adult. It is still reasonable, however, to talk about a first grader as being proficient with single-digit addition, as long as the student’s thinking in that realm incorporates all five strands of proficiency. Students should not be thought of as having proficiency when one or more strands are undeveloped.

Proficiency Develops Over Time

Proficiency in mathematics is acquired over time. Each year they are in school, students ought to become increasingly proficient. For example, third graders should be more proficient with the addition of whole numbers than they were in the first grade.

Acquiring proficiency takes time in another sense. Students need enough time to engage in activities around a specific mathematical topic if they are to become proficient with it. When they are provided with only one or two examples to illustrate why a procedure works or what a concept means and then move on to practice in carrying out the procedure or identifying the concept, they may easily fail to learn. To become proficient, they need to spend sustained periods of time doing mathematics—solving problems, reasoning, developing understanding, practicing skills—and building connections between their previous knowledge and new knowledge.

How Mathematically Proficient Are U.S. Students Today?

One question that warrants an immediate answer is whether students in U.S. elementary and middle schools today are becoming mathematically proficient. The answer is important because it influences what might be recommended for the future. If students are failing to develop proficiency, the question of how to improve school mathematics takes on a different cast than if students are already developing high levels of proficiency.

The best source of information about student performance in the United States is, as we noted in chapter 2 , the National Assessment of Educational Progress (NAEP), a regular assessment of students’ knowledge and skills in the school subjects. NAEP includes a large and representative sample of U.S. students at about ages 9, 13, and 17, so the results provide a good picture of students’ mathematical performance. We sketched some of that performance in chapter 2 , but now we look at it through the frame of mathematical proficiency.

Although the items in the NAEP assessments were not constructed to measure directly the five strands of mathematical proficiency, they provide some useful information about these strands. As in chapter 2 , the data reported here are from the 1996 main NAEP assessment except when we refer explicitly to the long-term trend assessment. In general, the performance of 13-year-olds over the past 25 years tells the following story: Given traditional curricula and methods of instruction, students develop proficiency among the five strands in a very uneven way. They are most proficient in aspects of procedural fluency and less proficient in conceptual understanding, strategic competence, adaptive reasoning, and productive disposition. Many students show few connections among these strands. Examples from each strand illustrate the current situation. 54

Students’ conceptual understanding of number can be assessed in part by asking them about properties of the number systems. Although about 90% of U.S. 13-year-olds could add and subtract multidigit numbers, only 60% of them could construct a number given its digits and their place values (e.g., in the number 57, the digit 5 should represent five tens). 55 That is a common finding: More students can calculate successfully with numbers than can work with the properties of the same numbers.

The same is true for rational numbers. Only 35% of 13-year-olds correctly ordered three fractions, all in reduced form, 56 and only 35%, asked for a number between .03 and .04, chose the correct response. 57 These findings suggest that students may be calculating with numbers that they do not really understand.

An overall picture of procedural fluency is provided by the NAEP long-term trend mathematics assessment, 58 which indicates that U.S. students’ performance has remained quite steady over the past 25 years (see Box 4–4 ). A closer look reveals that the picture of procedural fluency is one of high levels of proficiency in the easiest contexts. Questions in which students are asked to add or subtract two- and three-digit whole numbers presented numerically in the standard format are answered correctly by about 90% of 13-year-olds, with almost as good performance among 9-year-olds. 59 Performance is slightly lower among 13-year-olds for division. 60

conceptual understanding and problem solving

Results from NAEP dating back over 25 years have continually documented the fact that one of the greatest deficits in U.S. students’ learning of mathematics is in their ability to solve problems. In the 1996 NAEP, students in the fourth, eighth, and twelfth grades did well on questions about basic whole number operations and concepts in numerical and simple applied contexts. However, students, especially those in the fourth and eighth grades, had difficulty with more complex problem-solving situations. For example, asked to add or subtract two- and three-digit numbers, 73% of fourth graders and 86% of eighth graders gave correct answers. But on a multistep addition and subtraction word problem involving similar numbers, only 33% of fourth graders gave a correct answer (although 76% of eighth graders did). On the 23 problem-solving tasks given as part of the 1996 NAEP in which students had to construct an extended response, the incidence of satisfactory or better responses was less than 10% on about half of the tasks. The incidence of satisfactory responses was greater than 25% on only two tasks. 61

Performance on word problems declines dramatically when additional features are included, such as more than one step or extraneous information. Small changes in problem wording, context, or presentation can yield dramatic changes in students’ success, 62 perhaps indicating how fragile students’ problem-solving abilities typically are.

Several kinds of items measure students’ proficiency in adaptive reasoning, though often in conjunction with other strands. One kind of item asks students to reason about numbers and their properties and also assesses their conceptual understanding. For example,

If 49+83=132 is true, which of the following is true?

132–49=83

83–132=49

Only 61% of 13-year-olds chose the right answer, which again is considerably lower than the percentage of students who can actually compute the result.

conceptual understanding and problem solving

A second kind of item that measures adaptive reasoning is one that asks students to justify and explain their solutions. One such item ( Box 4–5 ) required that students use subtraction and division to justify claims about the population growth in two towns. Only 1% of eighth graders in 1996 provided a satisfactory response for both claims, and only another 21% provided a partially correct response. The results were only slightly better at grade 12. In this item, Darlene’s claim is stated somewhat cryptically, and students may not have understood that they needed to think about population growth not additively—as in the case of Brian’s claim—but multiplicatively so as to conclude that Town A actually had the larger rate of growth. But given the low levels of performance on the item, we conclude that Darlene’s enigmatic claim was not the only source of difficulty. Students apparently have trouble justifying their answers even in relatively simple cases.

Research related to productive disposition has not examined many aspects of the strand as we have defined it. Such research has focused on attitudes

In 1980 the populations of Town A and Town B were 5,000 and 6,000, respectively. The 1990 populations of Town A and Town B were 8,000 and 9,000, respectively.

Brian claims that from 1980 to 1990 the populations of the two towns grew by the same amount. Use mathematics to explain how Brian might have justified his claim.

Darlene claims that from 1980 to 1990 the population of Town A grew more. Use mathematics to explain how Darlene might have justified her claim.

Correct response for both claims

1%

3%

Partial response

21%

24%

Incorrect response

60%

56%

Omitted

16%

16%

SOURCE: 1996 NAEP assessment. Cited in Wearne and Kouba, 2000, p. 186. Used by permission of National Council of Teachers of Mathematics.

toward mathematics, beliefs about one’s own ability, and beliefs about the nature of mathematics. In general, U.S. boys have more positive attitudes toward mathematics than U.S. girls do, even though differences in achievement between boys and girls are, in general, not as pronounced today as they were some decades ago. 64 Girls’ attitudes toward mathematics also decline more sharply through the grades than those of boys. 65 Differences in mathematics achievement remain larger across groups that differ in such factors as race, ethnicity, and social class, but differences in attitudes toward mathematics across these groups are not clearly associated with achievement differences. 66

The complex relationship between attitudes and achievement is well illustrated in recent international studies. Although within most countries, positive attitudes toward mathematics are associated with high achievement, eighth graders in some East Asian countries, whose average achievement in mathematics is among the highest in the world, have tended to have, on average, among the most negative attitudes toward mathematics. U.S. eighth

graders, whose achievement is around the international average, have tended to be about average in their attitudes. 67 Similarly, within a country, students who perceive themselves as good at mathematics tend to have high levels of achievement, but that relationship does not hold across countries. In Asian countries, perhaps because of cultural traditions encouraging humility or because of the challenging curriculum they face, eighth graders tend to perceive themselves as not very good at mathematics. In the United States, in contrast, eighth graders tend to believe that mathematics is not especially difficult for them and that they are good at it. 68

Data from the NAEP student questionnaire show that many U.S. students develop a variety of counterproductive beliefs about mathematics and about themselves as learners of mathematics. For example, 54% of the fourth graders and 40% of the eighth graders in the 1996 NAEP assessment thought that mathematics is mostly a set of rules and that learning mathematics means memorizing the rules. On the other hand, approximately 75% of the fourth graders and 75% of the eighth graders sampled reported that they understand most of what goes on in mathematics class. The data do not indicate, however, whether the students thought they could make sense out of the mathematics themselves or depended on others for explanations.

Despite the finding that many students associate mathematics with memorization, students at all grade levels appear to view mathematics as useful. The 1996 NAEP revealed that 69% of the fourth graders and 70% of the eighth graders agreed that mathematics is useful for solving everyday problems. Although students appear to think mathematics is useful for everyday problems or important to society in general, it is not clear that they think it is important for them as individuals to know a lot of mathematics. 69

Proficiency in Other Domains of Mathematics

Although our discussion of mathematical proficiency in this report is focused on the domain of number, the five strands apply equally well to other domains of mathematics such as geometry, measurement, probability, and statistics. Regardless of the domain of mathematics, conceptual understanding refers to an integrated and functional grasp of the mathematical ideas. These may be ideas about shape and space, measure, pattern, function, uncertainty, or change. When applied to other domains of mathematics, procedural fluency refers to skill in performing flexibly, accurately, and efficiently such procedures as constructing shapes, measuring space, computing probabilities, and describing data. It also refers to knowing when and how to use

The five strands apply equally well to other domains of mathematics such as geometry, measurement, probability, and statistics.

those procedures. Strategic competence refers to the ability to formulate mathematical problems, represent them, and solve them whether the problems arise in the context of number, algebra, geometry, measurement, probability, or statistics. Similarly, the capacity to think logically about the relationships among concepts and situations and to reason adaptively applies to every domain of mathematics, not just number, as does the notion of a productive disposition. The tendency to see sense in mathematics, to perceive it as both useful and worthwhile, to believe that steady effort in learning mathematics pays off, and to see oneself as an effective learner and doer of mathematics applies equally to all domains of mathematics. We believe that proficiency in any domain of mathematics means the development of the five strands, that the strands of proficiency are interwoven, and that they develop over time. Further, the strands are interwoven across domains of mathematics in such a way that conceptual understanding in one domain, say geometry, supports conceptual understanding in another, say number.

All Students Should Be Mathematically Proficient

Becoming mathematically proficient is necessary and appropriate for all students. People sometimes assume that only the brightest students who are the most attuned to school can achieve mathematical proficiency. Those students are the ones who have traditionally tended to achieve no matter what kind of instruction they have encountered. But perhaps surprisingly, it is students who have historically been less successful in school who have the most potential to benefit from instruction designed to achieve proficiency. 70 All will benefit from a program in which mathematical proficiency is the goal.

Historically, the prevailing ethos in mathematics and mathematics education in the United States has been that mathematics is a discipline for a select group of learners. The continuing failure of some groups to master mathematics—including disproportionate numbers of minorities and poor students—has served to confirm that assumption. More recently, mathematics educators have highlighted the universal aspects of mathematics and have insisted on mathematics for all students, but with little attention to the differential access that some students have to high-quality mathematics teaching. 71

One concern has been that too few girls, relative to boys, are developing mathematical proficiency and continuing their study of mathematics. That situation appears to be improving, although perhaps not uniformly across

grades. The 1990 and 1992 NAEP assessments indicated that the few gender differences in mathematics performance that did appear favored male students at grade 12 but not before. These differences were only partly explained by the historical tendency of male students to take more high school mathematics courses than female students do, since that gap had largely closed by 1992. In the 1996 NAEP mathematics assessment, the average scores for male and female students were not significantly different at either grade 8 or grade 12, but the average score for fourth-grade boys was 2% higher than the score for fourth-grade girls. 72

With regard to differences among racial and ethnic groups, the situation is rather different. The racial/ethnic diversity of the United States is much greater now than at any previous period in history and promises to become progressively more so for some time to come. The strong connection between economic advantage, school funding, and achievement in the United States has meant that groups of students whose mathematics achievement is low have tended to be disproportionately African American, Hispanic, Native American, students acquiring English, or students located in urban or rural school districts. 73 In the NAEP assessments from 1990 to 1996, white students recorded increases in their average mathematics scores at all grades. Over the same period, African American and Hispanic students recorded increases at grades 4 and 12, but not at grade 8. 74 Scores for African American, Hispanic, and American Indian students remained below scale scores for white students. The mathematics achievement gaps between average scores for these subgroups did not decrease in 1996. 75 The gap appears to be widening for African American students, particularly among students of the best-educated parents, which suggests that the problem is not one solely of poverty and disadvantage. 76

Students identified as being of middle and high socioeconomic status (SES) enter school with higher achievement levels in mathematics than low-SES students, and students reporting higher levels of parental education tend to have higher average scores on NAEP assessments. At all three grades, in contrast, students eligible for free or reduced-price lunch programs score lower than those not eligible. 77 Such SES-based differences in mathematics achievement are greater among whites than among other racial or ethnic groups. 78 Some studies have suggested that the basis for the differences resides in the opportunities available to students, including opportunities to attend effective schools, 79 opportunities afforded by social and economic factors of the home and school community, 80 and opportunities to get encouragement to continue the study of mathematics. 81

Goals for mathematics instruction like those outlined in our discussion of mathematical proficiency need to be set in full recognition of the differential access students have to high-quality mathematics teaching and the differential performance they show. Those goals should never be set low, however, in the mistaken belief that some students do not need or cannot achieve proficiency. In this day of rapidly changing technologies, no one can anticipate all the skills that students will need over their lifetimes or the problems they will encounter. Proficiency in mathematics is therefore an important foundation for further instruction in mathematics as well as for further education in fields that require mathematical competence. Schools need to prepare students to acquire new skills and knowledge and to adapt their knowledge to solve new problems.

The currency of value in the job market today is more than computational competence. It is the ability to apply knowledge to solve problems. 82 For students to be able to compete in today’s and tomorrow’s economy, they need to be able to adapt the knowledge they are acquiring. They need to be able to learn new concepts and skills. They need to be able to apply mathematical reasoning to problems. They need to view mathematics as a useful tool that must constantly be sharpened. In short, they need to be mathematically proficient.

Students who have learned only procedural skills and have little understanding of mathematics will have limited access to advanced schooling, better jobs, and other opportunities. If any group of students is deprived of the opportunity to learn with understanding, they are condemned to second-class status in society, or worse.

A Broader, Deeper View

Many people in the United States consider procedural fluency to be the heart of the elementary school mathematics curriculum. They remember school mathematics as being devoted primarily to learning and practicing computational procedures. In this report, we present a much broader view of elementary and middle school mathematics. We also raise the standard for success in learning mathematics and being able to use it. In a significant and fortuitous twist, raising the standard by requiring development across all five strands of mathematical proficiency makes the development of any one strand more feasible. Because the strands interact and boost each other, students who have opportunities to develop all strands of proficiency are more likely to become truly competent with each.

We conclude that during the past 25 years mathematics instruction in U.S. schools has not sufficiently developed mathematical proficiency in the sense we have defined it. It has developed some procedural fluency, but it clearly has not helped students develop the other strands very far, nor has it helped them connect the strands. Consequently, all strands have suffered. In the next four chapters, we look again at students’ learning. We consider not just performance levels but also the nature of the learning process itself. We describe what students are capable of, what the big obstacles are for them, and what knowledge and intuition they have that might be helpful in designing effective learning experiences. This information, we believe, reveals how to improve current efforts to help students become mathematically proficient.

1.  

Brownell, 1935.

2.  

National Assessment Governing Board, 2000.

3.  

See Hiebert and Carpenter, 1992, for a discussion of the ways that cognitive science informs mathematics education on the nature of conceptual understanding. For views about learning in general, see Bransford, Brown, and Cocking, 1999; Donovan, Bransford, and Pellegrino, 1999. For discussion of learning in early childhood, see Bowman, Donovan, and Burns, 2001.

4.  

Bransford, Brown, and Cocking, 1999; Carpenter and Lehrer, 1999; Greeno, Pearson, and Schoenfeld, 1997; Hiebert, 1986; Hiebert and Carpenter, 1992. For a broader perspective on classrooms that promote understanding, see Fennema and Romberg, 1999.

5.  

See, for example, Hiebert and Carpenter, 1992, pp. 74–75; Hiebert and Wearne, 1996. For work in psychology, see Baddeley, 1976; Bruner, 1960, pp. 24–25; Druckman and Bjork, 1991, pp. 30–33; Hilgard, 1957; Katona, 1940; Mayer, 1999; Wertheimer, 1959.

6.  

Geary, 1995.

7.  

Hiebert and Wearne, 1986; Kilpatrick, 1985.

8.  

Bransford, Brown, and Cocking, 1999.

9.  

Hiebert and Wearne, 1996.

10.  

Steinberg, 1985; Thornton and Toohey, 1985.

11.  

Fuson, 1990, 1992b; Fuson and Briars, 1990; Fuson and Burghardt, 1993; Hiebert, Carpenter, Fennema, Fuson, Wearne, Murray, Olivier, and Human, 1997; Hiebert and Wearne, 1996; Resnick and Omanson, 1987.

12.  

Brownell, 1956/1987; Wu, 1999.

13.  

Brownell, 1935; Carpenter, Franke, Jacobs, Fennema, and Empson, 1998; Hatano, 1988; Wearne and Hiebert, 1988; Mack, 1995; Rittle-Johnson and Alibali, 1999.

14.  

Pesek and Kirshner, 2000.

15.  

Fuson and Briars, 1990; Fuson, Carroll, and Landis, 1996.

16.  

Resnick and Omanson, 1987.

17.  

Alibali, 1999; Lemaire and Siegler, 1995; Siegler and Jenkins, 1989.

18.  

Researchers have shown clear disconnections between students’ “street mathematics” and school mathematics, implying that skills learned without understanding are learned as isolated bits of knowledge. See, for example, Nunes, 1992a, 1992b; Saxe, 1990. It should be emphasized that, as discussed above, conceptual understanding requires that knowledge be connected. See Bransford, Brown, and Cocking, 1999; Hiebert and Carpenter, 1992.

19.  

Saxe, 1990.

20.  

Carpenter, Franke, Jacobs, Fennema, and Empson, 1998.

21.  

See Schoenfeld, 1992; and Mayer and Wittrock, 1996, for reviews.

22.  

Wiest, 2000.

23.  

Such methods are discussed by Schoenfeld, 1988.

24.  

Mayer and Hegarty, 1996.

25.  

Hagarty, Mayer, and Monk, 1995.

26.  

Bransford, Brown, and Cocking, 1999, pp. 19–38. See also Krutetskii, 1968/1976, ch. 13.

27.  

For each of the five levels in the stack of blocks, there are two options: red or green. Similarly, for each of the five toppings on the hamburger, there are two options: include the topping or exclude it. The connection might be made explicit as follows: Let each level in the stack of blocks denote a particular topping (e.g., 1, catsup; 2, onions; 3, pickles; 4, lettuce; 5, tomato) and let the color signify whether the topping is to be included (e.g., green, include; red, exclude). Such a scheme establishes a correspondence between the 2×2×2×2×2=32 stacks of blocks and the 32 kinds of hamburgers.

28.  

Pólya, 1945, defined such problems as follows: “In general, a problem is called a ‘routine problem’ if it can be solved either by substituting special data into a formerly solved general problem, or by following step by step, without any trace of originality, some well-worn conspicuous example” (p. 171).

29.  

Siegler and Jenkins, 1989.

30.  

English, 1997a, p. 4.

31.  

English, 1997a, p. 4. See English, 1997b, for an extended discussion of these ideas.

32.  

For example, Inhelder and Piaget, 1958; Sternberg and Rifkin, 1979.

33.  

Alexander, White, and Daugherty, 1997, p. 122.

34.  

Davis and Maher, 1997, p. 94.

35.  

Davis and Maher, 1997, pp. 99–100.

36.  

Davis and Maher, 1997, pp. 101–102.

37.  

Alexander, White, and Daugherty, 1997, propose these three conditions for reasoning in young children. There is reason to believe that the conditions apply more generally.

38.  

Carpenter and Levi, 1999; Hiebert, Carpenter, Fennema, Fuson, Wearne, Murray, Olivier, and Human, 1997; Schifter, 1999; Yaffee, 1999.

39.  

Maher and Martino, 1996.

40.  

There is a precedent for this term: “Students come to think of themselves as capable of engaging in independent thinking and of exercising control over their learning process [contributing] to what can best be called the disposition to higher order

   

thinking. The term should not be taken to imply a biological or inherited trait. As used here, it is more akin to a of thought, one that can be learned and, therefore, taught” (Resnick, 1987, p. 41).

41.  

Schoenfeld, 1989.

42.  

Dweck, 1986.

43.  

See, for example, Stevenson and Stigler, 1992. Other researchers claim that Asian children are significantly more oriented toward ability than their U.S. peers and that in both groups attributing success to ability is connected with high achievement (Bempechat and Drago-Severson, 1999).

44.  

For evidence that U.S. students’ attitudes toward mathematics decline as they proceed through the grades, see Silver, Strutchens, and Zawojewski, 1997; Strutchens and Silver, 2000; Ansell and Doerr, 2000.

45.  

McLeod, 1992.

46.  

Thompson, 1992.

47.  

Cobb, Yackel, and Wood, 1989, 1995. For a more general discussion of classroom norms, see Cobb and Bauersfeld, 1995; and Fennema and Romberg, 1999.

48.  

National Research Council, 1989, p. 10.

49.  

Steele, 1997; and Steele and Aronson, 1995, show the effect of stereotype threat in regard to subsets of the GRE (Graduate Record Examination) verbal exam, and it seems this phenomenon may carry across disciplines.

50.  

Steele, 1997.

51.  

Fuson 1992a, 1992b; Hiebert, 1986; Hiebert, Carpenter, Fennema, Fuson, Wearne, Murray, Olivier, and Human, 1997. A recent synthesis by Rittle-Johnson and Siegler, 1998, on the relationship between conceptual and procedural knowledge in mathematics concludes that they are highly correlated and that the order of development depends upon the mathematical content and upon the students and their instructional experiences, particularly for multidigit arithmetic.

52.  

Hiebert and Wearne, 1996.

53.  

Ball and Bass, 2000.

54.  

The NAEP data reported on the five strands are drawn from chapters in Silver and Kenney, 2000.

55.  

Kouba and Wearne, 2000.

56.  

Wearne and Kouba, 2000.

57.  

Kouba, Carpenter, and Swafford, 1989, p. 83.

58.  

The NAEP long-term trend mathematics assessment “is more heavily weighted [than the main NAEP] toward students’ knowledge of basic facts and the ability to carry out numerical algorithms using paper and pencil, exhibit knowledge of basic measurement formulas as they are applied in geometric settings, and complete questions reflecting the direct application of mathematics to daily-living skills (such as those related to time and money)” (Campbell, Voelkl, and Donahue, 2000, p. 50).

59.  

Kouba and Wearne, 2000, p. 150.

60.  

Kouba and Wearne, 2000, p. 155.

61.  

Silver, Alacaci, and Stylianou, 2000.

62.  

Shannon, 1999.

63.  

Carpenter, Corbitt, Kepner, Lindquist, and Reys, 1981.

64.  

See Leder, 1992, and Fennema, 1995, for summaries of the research. In NAEP, gender differences may have increased slightly at grade 4 in the past decade, although they are still quite small; see Ansell and Doerr, 2000.

65.  

Ansell and Doerr, 2000.

66.  

For a review of the literature on race, ethnicity, social class, and language in mathematics, see Secada, 1992. Relevant findings from NAEP can be found in Silver, Strutchens, and Zawojewski, 1997; and Strutchens and Silver, 2000.

67.  

Beaton, Mullis, Martin, Gonzalez, Kelly, and Smith, 1996, pp. 124–125, 128; Mullis, Martin, Gonzalez, Gregory, Garden, O’Connor, Chrostowski, and Smith, 2000, pp. 137–144.

68.  

Mullis, Martin, Gonzalez, Gregory, Garden, O’Connor, Chrostowski, and Smith, 2000, pp. 132–136.

69.  

Swafford and Brown, 1989, p. 112.

70.  

Knapp, Shields, and Turnbull, 1995; Mason, Schroeter, Combs, and Washington, 1992; Steele, 1997.

71.  

Ladson-Billings, 1999, p. 1.

72.  

Reese, Miller, Mazzeo, and Dossey, 1997.

73.  

Tate, 1997.

74.  

Reese, Miller, Mazzeo, and Dossey, 1997, p. 31.

75.  

Reese, Miller, Mazzeo, and Dossey, 1997.

76.  

Zernike, 2000.

77.  

Reese, Miller, Mazzeo, and Dossey, 1997.

78.  

Secada, 1992.

79.  

Mullis, Jenkins, and Johnson, 1994.

80.  

Oakes, 1990.

81.  

Backer and Akin, 1993.

82.  

Committee for Economic Development, 1995; National Research Council, 1989, 1998; U.S. Department of Labor, Secretary’s Commission on Achieving Necessary Skills, 1991.

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Adding It Up explores how students in pre-K through 8th grade learn mathematics and recommends how teaching, curricula, and teacher education should change to improve mathematics learning during these critical years.

The committee identifies five interdependent components of mathematical proficiency and describes how students develop this proficiency. With examples and illustrations, the book presents a portrait of mathematics learning:

  • Research findings on what children know about numbers by the time they arrive in pre-K and the implications for mathematics instruction.
  • Details on the processes by which students acquire mathematical proficiency with whole numbers, rational numbers, and integers, as well as beginning algebra, geometry, measurement, and probability and statistics.

The committee discusses what is known from research about teaching for mathematics proficiency, focusing on the interactions between teachers and students around educational materials and how teachers develop proficiency in teaching mathematics.

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Common Core’s Focus on Concepts Is Key to Improving Math Education, Report Says

conceptual understanding and problem solving

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The Common Core State Standards’ emphasis on conceptual understanding in math will improve students’ problem-solving skills and ultimately help prepare them for jobs of the future, argues a new report by the Center for American Progress, a Washington-based think tank.

Math instruction in the United States has traditionally focused on algorithms and procedures, explain Catherine Brown and Max Marchitello, the authors of the report. Under the common core, students spend more time learning the underlying math concepts and how to apply them. “As a result, students become stronger critical thinkers and problem solvers and will be better prepared for the rigorousness of today’s job market,” they write.

conceptual understanding and problem solving

While much of the writing about the common core remains at the the 30,000-foot, theoretical level, this report, for the most part, is focused on specifics: It drills down into individual standards and gives examples for how the skills are taught differently under the common core vs. previous state standards.

For instance, it shows an addition problem done two ways. First, with the traditional, vertical algorithm:

conceptual understanding and problem solving

And then a more conceptual way of teaching addition, which focuses on understanding place value and having good number sense:

conceptual understanding and problem solving

The report rightly points out that students do still learn the traditional algorithm under the common core. (I t shows up in 4th grade .) They’re just introduced to the concepts first ( beginning in 1st grade ). “Learning the conceptual approach to math is just as important as learning to add with paper and pencil before using a calculator,” the authors write.

conceptual understanding and problem solving

It’s worth noting though, as I’ve written before , that the common core is not actually a very prescriptive document. In fact, Jason Zimba, one of the lead writers of the math standards, has argued that teachers can introduce the algorithm right away in 1st grade along with the addition and subtraction concepts, and still be consistent with the standards. (He’s even drawn out a table for how to do that .) But in truth, that’s not how most math teachers will interpret the standards.

The Center for American Progress report also explains that in the common core, concepts build on each other year after year—1st grade students, for instance, are exposed to foundational concepts in fractions and geometry. The long, slow rollout of important mathematical ideas helps prevent misunderstandings when students get to more complicated problems, it says.

“At a time when calculators and computers are ubiquitous, workers need to move beyond the surface to understand underlying concepts, be deep thinkers and problem solvers, and apply their skills to new situations,” the authors write.

The Center for American Progress has long been supportive of the common-core standards. The report concludes with recommendations for ensuring conceptual math is taught well, such as providing ongoing professional development, training parents in the new methods, and incorporating conceptual math into teacher-preparation programs.

Images: From the Center for American Progress report, “ Math Matters: How the Common Core Will Help the United States Bring Up Its Grade on Mathematics Education .”

Related stories:

  • Approach to Fractions Seen as Key Shift in Common Standards
  • Schools Teach Common Core Math to Two Generations
  • Should ‘Regrouping’ Be Taught Earlier Under Common-Core Math Standards?
  • Common Core Redoes the Math

A version of this news article first appeared in the Curriculum Matters blog.

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An IERI – International Educational Research Institute Journal

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  • Published: 05 February 2015

Teaching for conceptual understanding: A cross-national comparison of the relationship between teachers’ instructional practices and student achievement in mathematics

  • Laura M O’Dwyer 1 ,
  • Yang Wang 2 &
  • Katherine A Shields 3  

Large-scale Assessments in Education volume  3 , Article number:  1 ( 2015 ) Cite this article

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Educators, researchers and policy-makers worldwide continue to struggle to understand the changes needed for improving educational outcomes and attainment for students, particularly in content areas such as mathematics and science that are essential for developing a highly skilled workforce. Given the continuing emphasis on linking teacher practices with student outcomes, this study aims to explore teachers’ use of particular instructional strategies and whether use is associated with student achievement.

Using data from the Trends in International Mathematics and Science Study (TIMSS) 2007, this study examines eighth grade teachers’ use of instructional practices that support students’ conceptual understanding, and examines the relationship between those practices and mathematics test scores. Data from four countries was examined: U.S., Korea, Japan, and Singapore. Descriptive statistics and a series of multilevel regression models were used.

The results show that teachers in the U.S. were most similar to Korean teachers in the frequency and types of teaching practices reported, and that they reported using some practices at least as frequently, or more frequently than teachers in the other countries. A sub-set of teachers’ instructional practices are related to mathematics achievement in the U.S. and Singapore, but not in Korea or Japan.

Conclusions

Teacher practices explained very little of the variability in test scores, even in cases where particular instructional practices were positively and significantly related to achievement. This research highlights the challenges for examining the teacher-level correlates of student test scores using data from cross-sectional, international studies that do not include measures of students’ prior achievement, classroom observations, or estimates of students’ out-of-school instruction.

Researchers and policymakers worldwide have an ongoing interest in understanding the ways in which teachers contribute to students’ learning and academic achievement. In the U.S. for example, prompted by the most recent federal investments in education, the Race to the Top program authorized under sections 14005 and 14006 of the American Recovery and Reinvestment Act of 2009 (ARRA), which places specific emphasis on improving teacher quality, researchers, policy-makers and practitioners are increasingly interested in the interplay between teacher quality and student achievement. However, as with many constructs in education, teacher quality is a multidimensional construct that includes not only teacher qualifications, but also teachers’ pedagogical content knowledge, their professional development activities, their instructional practices and quality, as well as their attitudes toward students and teaching (Darling-Hammond and Youngs, 2002 ; Goe, 2007 ). While several studies have linked overall measures of the quality of instructional practice (such as standardized teacher evaluation ratings) to student test scores (Borman and Kimball, 2005 ; Heneman et al., 2006 ; Holtzapple, 2003 ; Kimball et al., 2004 ; Milanowski, 2004 ), other studies have found no such connections (e.g., Gallagher, 2004 ; Rowan et al., 1997 ; D’Agostino, 2000 ). Overall, there appears to be little consensus on the specific instructional strategies that are consistently associated with student achievement.

The purpose of this research is to describe patterns in teachers’ instructional practices in eighth-grade mathematics classrooms in four countries that participated in the Trends in International Mathematics and Science Study (TIMSS) 2007 (the U.S., Korea, Japan, and Singapore), and to examine the relationship between teachers’ instructional practices and students’ achievement in mathematics. This research also highlights the challenges for using data from international cross-sectional comparative studies to link student outcomes with teachers’ instructional practices.

Instructional practices and student achievement

Demonstrating relationships between specific teaching practices and student achievement has proven difficult. From a methodological perspective, cross-sectional educational research designs do not allow us to know whether a teacher is using a particular strategy because that teacher has high-achieving students, or whether that strategy is producing high-achieving students. Likewise, cross-sectional studies that lack information about students’ prior achievement make it difficult to disentangle a single teacher’s contribution to students’ achievement.

Beyond these challenges, Hiebert and Grouws ( 2007 ) attribute the lack of consensus on the relationship between instructional strategies and student achievement to an absence of well-developed theories describing how teaching practices affect learning; to the varying effectiveness of a given teaching approach that depends on the learning goals; and to the mediating effects of student and contextual variables. However, evidence has accumulated for the effectiveness of some teaching practices. For example, Hill et al. ( 2005 ) found that teachers’ pedagogical content knowledge, the specialized mathematical knowledge and skills used in teaching mathematics, were positively associated with gains in students’ mathematical achievement over time.

Likewise, Hattie’s ( 2009 ) exhaustive synthesis of meta-analyses of research on student achievement identifies a number of teaching strategies with moderate-to-large effect sizes across multiple studies. These strategies include “problem-solving teaching,” which is defined as a set of methods that help students to define the problem, then assess and select among possible solutions. In alignment with Hattie’s findings, Camburn and Han ( 2011 ) found support for a significant effect for problem-solving and related instructional strategies in a review of evidence from the past twenty years of student achievement studies based on large-scale assessments. The associated student activities included “solving novel problems, engaging in reasoning and analysis, and making connections to real world applications of knowledge” (p. 593). These practices can be understood within the framework of conceptual and procedural mathematics knowledge (Hiebert and Lefevre, 1987 ; Hiebert, 2003 ).

Conceptual knowledge is the understanding of core principles and the relationships among them (Hiebert and Lefevre, 1987 ; diSessa and Sherin, 1998 ; Star, 2005 ). Hiebert and Grouws ( 2007 ) outline two key aspects of instructional practices that help students develop conceptual understanding: giving students the opportunity to “struggle” with problems (p. 387), and discussing conceptual relationships “explicitly” (p. 383). These approaches help students develop the ability to transfer their skills and knowledge to new contexts. Prawat ( 1989a ), whose work was a resource for the TIMSS conceptual framework underlying the teacher and classroom context surveys, connects conceptual knowledge development with teacher practices that attend to students’ explanations and problem-solving strategies. By contrast, procedural knowledge is limited to recognizing the mathematical system of symbols and rules, and carrying out procedures using that system (Star, 2005 ). Conceptual knowledge allows the student to select and apply the right procedure for the situation, and to incorporate new information correctly into what he or she already knows (Prawat, 1989b ). In the U.S., the National Council of Teachers of Mathematics (NCTM) ( 2000 ) recognizes the importance of conceptual understanding, calling for students to learn “with understanding, actively building new knowledge from experience and previous knowledge” and “reflecting on their thinking” (p. 2).

Teaching practices that help students to develop conceptual knowledge have been linked to achievement in the literature. These practices include: giving students challenging assignments (Newmann et al., 2001 ; Schacter and Thum, 2004 ); providing opportunities to apply learning and solve unique problems (Wenglinsky, 2002 ); spending time on conceptual activities such as estimation, writing equations, and word problems (Lubienski, 2006 ); and having students discuss the reasons behind their answers to questions (Gales and Yan, 2001 ). The research companion to the NCTM Standards (Mewborn, 2003 ) also cites studies that link higher achievement to providing students with opportunities to solve problems and talk with each other about their approaches (Fennema, et al., 1996 ), as well as helping students see the associations between concepts and mathematical symbols (Gearhart et al., 1999 ).

Evidence from international comparative studies

With the almost 20 years of available data from international comparative studies in education such as the TIMSS, the Progress in International Reading Literacy Study (PIRLS), and the Programme for International Student Assessment (PISA), secondary analyses have been conducted in individual counties that examined the relationship between teachers’ instructional practices and student achievement. For example, using TIMSS 1995 eighth grade data in the U.S., Tomoff et al. ( 2000 ) compared the NCTM-recommended practices to those reported by the sample of TIMSS mathematics teachers and found that the use of drill and review exercises was significantly negatively associated with mathematics achievement. Their study also showed that more interactive, conceptual activities such as group and project-based work showed no relationship. In Japan, House ( 2009 ) found that higher-achieving fourth grade students in the 2007 TIMSS sample reported being asked more frequently to work on problems independently and to explain their answers, although procedural skills such as memorization of procedures and practicing computation were also positively related to achievement in this younger population.

A small number of researchers have used data from international comparative studies to describe the differences in teachers’ instructional practices across countries, and to examine the relationship between instructional practices and achievement. For example, as part of a multi-country study using 1999 TIMSS eighth grade data, Desimone et al. ( 2005 ) analyzed whether teachers’ use of conceptual versus computational instructional strategies was predictive of classroom-level mathematics achievement. The authors found weak relationships within countries, and no meaningful variation in the strength of this relationship across countries. In country-specific analyses, they found a weak positive association between conceptual instruction and achievement in the U.S., but no such relationship in Singapore or Japan.

Evidence on instructional practice in the U.S. and East Asia

In the U.S., researchers, policy-makers, practitioners, and even the general public are keenly aware that multiple international studies have shown that our students consistently lag behind students in some countries, particularly students in East Asian countries. For example, on the 2007 TIMSS and PISA assessments, U.S. middle school students performed below the OECD mean in mathematics, and lagged behind the East Asian countries; Singapore, Korea and Japan ranked among the top five countries in TIMSS and the top 10 in PISA, compared to the U.S. at 9 th in TIMSS and 31 st in PISA (Mullis et al., 2008 ; OECD, 2010 ). Moreover, evidence shows that only 6% of U.S. students scored in the advanced category of TIMSS, compared to 40% of students in Korea and Singapore, and 26% in Japan (Mullis et al., 2008 ).

Studies that have explored explanations for what distinguishes East Asian nations from lower performing countries, including the U.S., reported various differences including stronger teacher preparation (Heck, 2007 ; Kim et al., 2011 ) and a uniform, coherent national curriculum (Schmidt et al., 2005 ). Some strands of research also explore the cultural roots of these differences, such as a predominant focus on the collective, a greater emphasis on hard work and practice, and the role of the teacher as content expert in the Eastern tradition, compared to a focus on the individual and child-centered pedagogy in the Western tradition (Kaiser and Blömeke, 2013 ). Other researchers point to the amount of time spent both in and outside of school on mathematics instruction as an important distinguishing characteristic (Lewis and Seidman, 1994 , Bray, 2003 ; Bray and Kwo, 2013 ). In particular, valid comparisons across education systems may be hampered by the existence of for-profit, supplementary “shadow education” systems that operate in parallel to those sampled in international comparative studies. Despite their strong education systems, cram schools, referred to as juku in Japan and hagwons in Korea, are ubiquitous in many East Asian countries (Bray and Kwo, 2013 ). In Singapore for example, the number of juku almost tripled between 1994 and 2002 (Bray, 2003 ) and in 2008 in Korea, more than 70% of middle school students received extensive tutoring outside of the country’s formal education system sampled and assessed by international comparative studies (Bray and Kwo, 2013 ).

Related to instructional practice differences, classroom observational studies suggest that teachers in higher-performing countries tend to use strategies that support conceptual knowledge development more frequently than their peers in the U.S., where teachers spend more time nurturing basic procedural skills at the expense of critical thinking and understanding of underlying concepts (Prawat, 1989a ). This finding is supported by the 1999 TIMSS video study, which collected classroom observations from randomly selected classrooms in six high-performing countries and the U.S., and reported that teachers in U.S. classrooms spent more time completing repetitive exercises rather than applying and extending skills to new, different problems; reviewed previously taught procedures and material more frequently; covered less advanced content; covered a scattered mix of skills and concepts rather than a single coherent topic; and suffered more interruptions to the lesson (Hiebert et al., 2005 ). Researchers have also found that teachers in Japan (Whitman and Lai, 1990 ) and Singapore (VanTassel-Baska et al., 2008 ) focused more on critical thinking and lesson structure, when compared to U.S. teachers who focused more on discipline and rules. Japanese teachers also reported a more unified view of what constitutes “good” mathematics instruction than their American counterparts (Jacobs and Morita, 2002 ).

Research purpose

Recognizing the limitations of international cross-sectional studies of educational outcomes that use self-report instructional practices, the present study seeks to extend the field’s understanding of the relationship between teaching for conceptual understanding and mathematics achievement using TIMSS 2007 data. The objective of this research is to describe patterns in teaching for conceptual understanding in eighth-grade mathematics classrooms in the U.S. and three East Asian countries, Korea, Japan, and Singapore, and to examine how teaching for conceptual understanding in mathematics classrooms is associated with students’ achievement in mathematics. Korea, Japan, and Singapore were selected as comparisons to the U.S. because, over repeated international studies, they have out-performed the U.S. For example, while the mean mathematics scores for the U.S., Korea, Japan, and Singapore were each above the TIMSS international mean (i.e., 500) across the 49 participating countries/jurisdictions in 2007, the means in 2007 for Singapore (593), Japan (570), and South Korea (597) were each higher than the mean in the U.S. (508). Moreover, this pattern of lower mean achievement for the U.S. compared to these countries was observed in all past TIMSS administrations for mathematics – TIMSS 1995, 1999, 2003, and most recently in 2011.

Using TIMSS 2007 data from individual students, data from their mathematics teachers, as well as information about their schools, this research addresses the following research questions:

How does teaching for conceptual understanding in mathematics classrooms vary across the U.S., Korea, Japan, and Singapore?

Within these four countries, is teaching for conceptual understanding associated with students’ mathematics achievement? And, do the associations between teaching for conceptual understanding and students’ mathematics achievement vary across the U.S., Korea, Japan, and Singapore?

These questions were addressed using teacher data and individual student data, and analyses were conducted separately by country. Descriptive analyses and ANOVA with teacher data were used to address the first research question, and a series of two-level hierarchical linear regression models with student, teacher and school data was used to address the second research question. In addition to addressing these research questions, this study highlights the challenges for using data from cross-sectional, international comparative studies to link student outcomes with teachers’ instructional practices.

This section describes the TIMSS 2007 sample, the variables and measures derived from the TIMSS student, teacher, and school questionnaire data, and the data analyses used to address the research questions. Explicit descriptions of the model specifications used to estimate the relationship between teachers’ instructional practices and student achievement are also provided a .

TIMSS 2007 sample

The final analysis sample for each country was defined after the data files were cleaned according to specific criteria. First, students with missing cases on the student-level covariates were removed from the analysis sample (2% or 164 students in the U.S., 0.03% or 14 students in Korea, 1% or 35 students in Japan, and 0.5% or 21 students in Singapore). Studies have shown that estimates are not sensitive to the choice of treatment of missing data at such minimal levels (Little & Rubin, 2002 ), and so we do not expect the listwise deletion of these small numbers of cases to introduce bias.

Second, students and classrooms linked with more than one mathematics teacher were removed from the analysis sample. This step ensured that only students whose test scores could be linked with one teacher were included in the analyses, a necessary condition for examining the association between teachers’ instructional practices and student achievement. Through this process, 216 students were removed in U.S. (3%) and 58 students in Korea (1%). In Japan, the number of students removed at this step was large, 1212 (22%), and because in many schools all students were linked with more than one teacher, 37 schools (of the available 146) were removed from the sample at this stage. In Singapore, 171 students (4%) in two schools (of the available 164) were removed.

Third, some classrooms were randomly removed from the analysis sample to allow comparisons across countries. The TIMSS sample is selected using a two-stage stratified sampling procedure to produce a representative sample of students from participating countries; schools are randomly sampled at the first stage and intact classrooms are sampled within each sampled school at the second stage (Joncas, 2008 ). The majority of TIMSS countries randomly sampled only one intact classroom in each school, resulting in classroom effects being confounded with school effects. However, some countries (e.g., the U.S. and Singapore) routinely sampled more than one classroom per school. To allow direct comparisons among the four countries included in this study, one classroom was randomly selected within each school to be included in the analyses. This process resulted in the random removal of 192 classrooms in the U.S., 20 in Japan, and 133 in Singapore. No classrooms were removed from the Korean sample since all schools sampled only one classroom. As a consequence of including only students from one mathematics classroom and their mathematics teacher, the classroom and school levels are confounded. In describing the analyses and the results we refer to the between school effects, recognizing that they could also be considered between classroom effects.

Finally, schools fewer than five students were removed from the analysis sample (only one in Japan and none in the other three countries) and schools with missing teacher instructional practice data were removed from the analysis samples (23 schools in the U.S., no schools in Korea, one school in Japan, and two schools in Singapore).

Overall, the analyses were conducted with data from 217 schools and 3255 students in the U.S., 150 schools and 4102 students in Korea, 107 schools and 2719 students in Japan, and 160 schools and 2270 students in Singapore. Table  1 shows that mean achievement and the variability in achievement were similar in the reported samples (Mullis et al. 2008 ) and the analysis samples. Moreover, the percentages of students whose teachers asked them to engage in the six activities in about half the lessons or more were similar in the reported and analysis samples.

Variables and measures

The research questions were addressed using students’ eighth grade mathematics achievement, the instructional practices reported by their teachers, as well as information about the student body in the sampled schools. The teacher instructional practice measures were derived from teachers’ responses to the mathematics teacher survey. In addition, the analyses included student and school covariates derived from the student and school questionnaires. The student achievement and teacher practice measures, as well as the student and school covariates are discussed in turn.

  • Mathematics achievement

At the eighth grade, the student mathematics assessment comprised four sub-domains, each contributing to a total mathematics score: Number (30%), Algebra (30%), Geometry (20%), and Data and Chance (20%) (Mullis et al., 2005 ). TIMSS uses item response theory (IRT) in combination with conditioning and multiple imputation to summarize students’ total mathematics and sub-domain achievement on a scale with a mean of 500 and a standard deviation of 100, and a set of five plausible values are provided to account for the fact that not all students are administered all test items (Foy et al., 2008 ). HLM multilevel regression modeling software was used so that all five plausible values representing students’ total mathematics achievement were used appropriately in the analyses.

Teaching for conceptual understanding measures

The teaching for conceptual understanding measures used to address the research questions were derived from a sub-set of the questions relating to teachers’ self-reported instructional practices in the mathematics classroom (Mullis et al., 2008 ). Specifically, six of the available items were used to represent teachers’ practices related to teaching for conceptual understanding. As discussed in the previous section, academic achievement has been shown to relate to instructional practices that help students develop conceptual understanding. TIMSS developed the set of teacher practice items in part by drawing on research on these issues (Schmidt and Cogan, 1996 ), particularly work by Prawat ( 1989a ; 1989b ) on the aspects of teaching that promote conceptual understanding, such as analyzing how students explain and solve problems, and giving students opportunities to engage with fundamental concepts. TIMSS developers used three of these six items in the 1999 administration as part of an index of Teachers’ Emphasis on Mathematics Reasoning and Problem-solving (Mullis et al., 2000 ).

Measured on a scale ranging from “Every or almost every lesson” (3) to “Never” (0), the following six items that asked teachers to report how often they asked students to do the following were used to represent teachers’ practices related to teaching for conceptual understanding:

… write equations and functions to represent relationships

… interpret data in tables, charts or graphs

… apply facts, concepts and procedures to solve routine problems

… relate what they are learning in mathematics to their daily lives

… decide on their own procedures for solving complex problems

… work on problems for which there is no immediately obvious method of solution

Teachers’ responses to the six individual items were used to represent teachers’ practices related to teaching for conceptual understanding. While the TIMSS instructional practice items do not map neatly onto the constructs of conceptual versus procedural knowledge development, the six items used in this study were chosen to represent several key elements of teaching for conceptual understanding. “Writ[ing] equations and functions to represent relationships” gives students the opportunity to explicitly examine conceptual relationships, using the symbolic language of mathematics (Hiebert, 2003 ; Prawat, 1989a ). When students “relate what they are learning to their daily lives, ” they must transfer mathematical knowledge to a real-world context and connect different pieces of information (Hiebert and Lefevre, 1987 ). To “interpret data in tables, charts or graphs, ” “apply facts, concepts and procedures to solve routine problems, ” and “decide on their own procedures for solving complex problems, ” students must select the appropriate procedure and use it correctly for the given context (Hiebert and Lefevre, 1987 ). When students select their own methods of solution, the teacher also has an opportunity to observe students’ thought processes and misconceptions (Hiebert and Grouws, 2007 ; Prawat, 1989a ). Taking these problem-solving skills a step further, when students “work on problems for which there is no immediately obvious method of solution, ” they grapple with problems in which they have incomplete information or skills, creating a productive opportunity for growth (Hiebert and Grouws, 2007 ). In contrast, TIMSS instructional practice items representing activities that focus on procedural knowledge development were not included in this study (e.g., “memorize formulas and procedures” and “practice adding, subtracting, multiplying and dividing without using a calculator” (Mullis et al., 2008 )).

The authors explored the creation of a composite variable across all six items since composites have the advantage of providing a more comprehensive measure of the construct when compared to a single variable (DeVellis, 2012 ). However, principal axis factoring (PAF) indicated that the composite was not unidimensional across countries. Specifically, the six items split across two or three factors in the four countries. The frequency with which teachers asked students to “relate what they are learning in mathematics to their daily lives,” “decide on their own procedures for solving complex problems” and “work on problems for which there is no immediately obvious method of solution” loaded on a single factor in all four countries. The reliability of the three-item scale ranged from 0.6 in Korea and Singapore to 0.7 in the U.S. and Japan. The remaining three items, the frequency with which teachers asked their students to “interpret data in tables, charts or graphs,” “write equations and functions to represent relationships” and “apply facts, concepts and procedures to solve routine problems” loaded on a single factor in the U.S., Japan, and Singapore, but across two factors in Korea. The reliability of this scale was lower than optimal, ranging from .4 in the U.S. and Korea to .5 in Singapore and .7 in Japan. Based on the dimensionality of the items across countries and their lack of alignment with a theoretical construct, a composite variable was not created and teachers’ responses to the six items were used individually in the analyses to represent teachers’ practices related to teaching for conceptual understanding.

Student and school covariates

As student and school characteristics have been found to be associated with academic achievement, covariates measured at the student and school levels were included in the analyses. The purpose of the covariates was to account for student-to-student, and school-to-school differences that were unrelated to teachers’ instructional practices. The student-level covariates included characteristics that prior research has linked with achievement: students’ gender (Else-Quest et al., 2010 ; Liu and Wilson, 2009 ; Robinson and Lubienski, 2011 ), home background (Henderson and Berla, 1994 ; Berliner, 2006 ; Schreiber, 2002 ; Sirin, 2005 ; Votruba-Drzal, 2006 ; Yeung et al., 2002 ), and attitudes toward and beliefs about mathematics (Choi and Chang, 2011 ; Ho et al., 2000 ; Ma and Kishor, 1997 ; Singh et al., 2002 ). Likewise, the socioeconomic status of the school has been found to be associated with outcomes for individual students (Rothstein, 2004 ; Rumberger and Palardy, 2005 ).

Students’ gender was included as a covariate (male = 1, female = 0) at the student level and multiple student-level measures were combined to create a composite variable to represent students’ home resources and family background. The home background composite was created from several related questions: home educational resources (possession of a calculator, study desk, and dictionary), number of books in the home, and parents’ highest education. The inter-relatedness of the items was confirmed using PAF and within each country, a standardized factor score with a mean of 0 and a standard deviation of 1 was created to represent students’ home background. The reliability of the student home background composite is shown in Table  2 for each country. Also, to account for school-to-school differences related to the economic resources available in students’ homes, the student home background composite was aggregated to the school level and included as a school-level covariate.

In an effort to control for student-to-student differences in attitudes toward and perceptions about mathematics, perceptions about their own ability in mathematics, as well differences in motivation to learn, three composite indices provided in the TIMSS student database were included as covariates in the analyses. The indices measured students’ Positive Affect Toward Mathematics (PAT-M), students’ Self-Confidence in Learning Mathematics (SCM) and Students’ Valuing Mathematics (SVM) and were created by computing the mean of the student’s scores on the constituent items (Martin and Preuschoff, 2008 ). The response categories for the items used to create the indices were agree a lot  = 1, agree a little  = 2, disagree a little  = 3, and disagree a lot  = 4. On each index, students were classified into low, medium and high based on the mean across the constituent items. Subsequently, a categorical variable was created in which students with a mean score of 2 or lower received a classification of high (+1); students with mean scores greater than 2 but lower than 3 received a classification of medium (0); and students with scores of 3 or more received a low (−1) classification (Martin and Preuschoff, 2008 ). Since the three indices were categorical, two dummy variables were created for each index in which the high (+1) group was the reference group for all comparisons. The categorical versions of the indices were used in the models because these characteristics were included as student-level covariates and were not central to addressing the research questions. The reliabilities of the three indices across countries are shown in Table  2 .

Analysis procedures

Analyses were conducted separately by country and included teacher-level analyses (research question 1) and student-level analyses (research question 2). To address the first research question, descriptive statistics were calculated using teachers’ responses to the six individual teaching for conceptual understanding items and the results were represented both graphically and numerically. In addition, one-way ANOVAs with Bonferroni post hoc tests were conducted to examine whether the frequency of teaching for conceptual understanding in the U.S. was significantly different from the frequency in the East Asian countries. The descriptive statistics and ANOVAs allowed comparisons among countries with respect to mathematics teachers’ use of instructional practices that support conceptual understanding. In each country, sampling weights were used to make adjustments for non-response and to ensure that subgroups of the sample were properly represented in the estimation of population parameters (Joncas, 2008 ). Since the descriptive analyses and ANOVAs were based on teacher data, the mathematics teacher sampling weight (MATWGT) was applied to generate accurate estimates in each country.

To address the second research question, a series of multilevel linear regression models was formulated for each country. HLM software was chosen so that all five plausible values could be analyzed appropriately and so that the sampling weights could be applied at the appropriate level. In the series of models, students’ achievement on the TIMSS mathematics assessment, represented by five plausible values, was regressed on teachers’ practices related to teaching for conceptual understanding along with the student and school covariates. Multilevel regression procedures ensured that the statistical dependence among students within schools was accounted for by the complex residual structure thereby producing correct estimates of the standard errors associated with the regression coefficients; allowed student, teacher and school characteristics to be included in a single model to predict students’ mathematics achievement; and allowed all five plausible values to be handled simultaneously (Raudenbush and Bryk, 2002 ). The multilevel regression analyses required the calculation of student population estimates within each country and so the authors followed the guidelines set forth in the TIMSS documentation and applied the student sampling weight (TOTWGT) at the student level. Since this weight includes the probability of both the school and student being selected from the population, no weights were required at the school level (Joncas, 2008 ).

At the first stage, an unconditional (or null) two-level regression model was specified for each country. This model was used to partition the total variability in mathematics achievement scores into within- and between-school variance components. These unconditional variance components were used to estimate the degree of statistical dependence (nesting) among students within schools for each country, as indicated by the intra-class correlation coefficient (ICC) and served as a comparison for subsequent models that included teachers’ instructional practices as well as the student and school covariates. For each country, the unconditional model used to calculate the ICC was as follows:

At the second stage, teachers’ practices related to teaching for conceptual understanding and the student and school covariates were included in the model to predict students’ mathematics scores. The six individual teaching for conceptual understanding items were added to the models separately, thereby allowing the association between each one and mathematics scores to be examined independently. In each country, the level-1 model included the student covariates:

In this model, the mathematics score for student i in school j ( Y ij ) was predicted by the linear combination of student covariates and a random student effect, r ij . The regression coefficients β 1 through β 8 represent the association between each covariate and mathematics achievement, holding all other predictors in the model constant. The level-1 covariates were entered into the model uncentered since they were dichotomous (i.e., gender), standardized to have a mean of 0 and a standard deviation of 1 (i.e., home background composite), or were coded as dichotomous dummy variables (i.e., PAT-M, SVM, and SCM).

At level-2, the aggregated student home background composite was included as a school covariate along with the teaching for conceptual understanding measures, each added separately. In each country, six level-2 models were formulated, one for each of the six teaching for conceptual understanding items, as follows:

In each of the six intercept-only models, the γ 02 regression coefficient represented the association between a particular teaching for conceptual understanding measure and mathematics test scores, holding all covariates in the model constant. The individual teaching for conceptual understanding measures were entered into the model uncentered. The percentage of economically disadvantaged students in the school was grand mean centered around the mean for all schools.

During the model development phase, the significance and reliability of the variability in the level-1 regression coefficients associated with the student covariates across schools was evaluated using McCoach’s guidelines ( 2010 ). With some exceptions, the level-1 regression coefficients were found to be constant across schools and so these regression coefficients were fixed. However, in the U.S. and Japan, the relationships between mathematics test scores and gender, and between test scores and the SVM index, were not constant across schools. Also, in Japan, the relationship between mathematics test scores and the SCM index was not constant across schools. Additional exploratory analyses revealed that the variability in these relationships across schools was not related to the level-2 variables included in the analyses, the teaching for conceptual understanding measures and the percent of economically disadvantaged students in the school covariate. Therefore, in the final models, the slopes associated with these level-1 variables in the U.S. and Japan were allowed to vary randomly across schools, but no level-2 predictors were included in the models to predict that variability. In all other countries and for the other level-1 variables in the U.S. and Japan models, the level-1 slopes were fixed. For the fixed P level-1 slopes, the models were:

And, for the random P level-1 slopes (e.g., for the gender and SVM slopes in the U.S. and Japan, and for the SCM slope in Japan) the models were:

Comparisons between the fixed effects across models with different varying slopes is deemed to be appropriate since allowing slopes to vary randomly has little effect on the fixed effects or the standard errors associated with these fixed effects (Raudenbush and Bryk, 2002 ).

For each country, the regression coefficients and variance components from these models were evaluated to examine whether teaching for conceptual understanding predicted students’ mathematics achievement within each country, after controlling for student characteristics, and whether these relationships varied across countries.

Patterns of teaching for conceptual understanding

Figure  1 and Table  3 summarize the weighted percentages of teachers in the four countries that reported using the six individual measures of teaching for conceptual understanding (never (0), some lessons (1), about half the lessons (3), and every or almost every lesson(4)) and the descriptive statistics (mean, standard error of the mean, and standard deviation), respectively. Comparing across the six individual measures of teaching for conceptual understanding in all four countries, the largest percentage of mathematics teachers reported that they spent time in every or almost every lesson having their students apply facts, concepts and procedures to solve routine problems (48.8% in the U.S., 42.7% in Korea, 27.1% in Japan, and 34.4% in Singapore). The lowest percentage of mathematics teachers in all four countries spent time in every, or almost every lesson having their students interpret data in tables, charts or graphs (approximately 1.9% in the U.S., 2.7% in Korea, 2.8% in Japan, and 1.3% in Singapore). In general, the results in Figure  1 and Table  3 show that there is variability among the four countries in how teachers teach for conceptual understanding.

Percentages of teachers using each instructional practice. *As TIMSS uses a complex sampling design, mathematics teachers’ sampling weights (MATWGT) were applied in the descriptive analyses to generate accurate estimates on the teacher population in each participating country.

The results of the ANOVAs in Table  3 show that for each item, there were significant differences among at least two of the country means, even with a conservative alpha of .05/6 or .008. Focusing on how the U.S. compared to the other countries on the frequency of teaching for conceptual understanding, the post hoc tests indicate patterns in the differences. First, teachers in the U.S. reported that they had their students engage in four of the six practices significantly more frequently than teachers in some of the other countries. Specifically, mathematics teachers in the U.S. (M = 1.86, SD = 0.83) reported significantly higher rates for having their students relate what they are learning in mathematics to their daily lives than teachers in Japan (M = 1.26, SD = 0.62), Korea (M = 1.65, SD = 0.67), or Singapore (M = 1.38, SD = 0.61). Likewise, the post hoc tests showed that teachers in the U.S. (M = 2.29, SD = 0.78) reported having their students apply facts, concepts and procedures to solve routine problems significantly more frequently than teachers in Japan (M = 1.85, SD = 0.88) or Singapore (M = 2.00, SD = 0.83). Teachers in the U.S. (M = 1.54, SD = 0.75) also had their students decide on their own procedures for solving complex problems significantly more often than teachers in Japan (M = 1.18, SD = 0.61) or Singapore (M = 1.13, SD = 0.66). Finally, teachers in the U.S. (M = 1.15, SD = 0.72) reported having their students work on problems for which there is no immediately obvious method of solution significantly more frequently than teachers in Singapore (M = 0.88, SD = 0.59).

This pattern was reversed for the practice of having students write equations and functions to represent relationships and interpret data in tables, charts or graphs . Teachers in the U.S. (M = 1.49, SD = 0.69) were significantly less likely to have their students write equations and functions to represent relationships than teachers in either Japan (M = 1.80, SD = 0.75) or Korea (M = 1.78, SD = 0.65). Although the frequency of teachers having their students interpret data in tables, charts or graphs was low in both countries (see Figure  1 ), teachers in the U.S. (M = 1.14, SD = 0.46) were significantly less likely than teachers in Korea (M = 1.28, SD = 0.57) to engage in this practice.

These patterns across the four countries support the findings from classroom observation studies (Hiebert et al., 2005 ; VanTassel-Baska et al., 2008 ; Whitman and Lai, 1990 ) that there is variability in teachers’ use of the instructional practices measured on the TIMSS teacher survey across countries.

Teaching for conceptual understanding and mathematics test scores

Tables  4 , 5 , 6 , and 7 present the regression coefficients associated with the six individual teaching for conceptual understanding measures (Models 1–6) for predicting students’ total mathematics test scores in the U.S., Korea, Japan, and Singapore, respectively. Since the student and school covariates are included in Models 1 through 6, the tables also present those regression coefficients. Using the standard deviation of students’ mathematics scores in the sample, the coefficients were transformed into predicted standardized differences by dividing the regression coefficient by the standard deviation of the outcome variable (see Table  1 ). For example, if an independent variable X is associated with a regression coefficient b for predicting the outcome variable Y , the standardized regression coefficient is interpreted as the predicted standard deviation change in Y for a one unit increase in X , holding all else constant. In this case, a one unit increase in X corresponds to increasing teaching for conceptual understanding practices from never to some lessons, from some lessons to about half the lessons, or from about half the lessons to every or almost every lesson. Subsequent to the interpretation of the fixed effects, the percentage of variance explained by the models is discussed.

For the U.S., Table  4 shows that the frequency with which teachers asked their students to write equations and functions to represent relationships (b = 24.78, standardized difference = 0.33, p < .001), decide on their own procedures for solving complex problems (b = 9.49, standardized difference = 0.13, p < .01), and to work on problems for which there is no immediately obvious method of solution (b = 7.05, standardized difference = 0.09, p < .05) were each associated with increased mathematics scores, after controlling for the covariates included in the models. The largest predicted increase in achievement was associated with U.S. teachers having their students write equations and functions to represent relationships ; recall that teachers in the U.S. were significantly less likely than teachers in Japan and Korea to have their students engage in this practice (Table  3 ). For every one point increase in teachers’ practice of having their students write equations and functions to represent relationships (e.g., increasing the frequency of using this practice from some lessons to about half the lessons), students’ mathematics scores were predicted to increase by 0.33 standard deviations.

Tables  5 and 6 show that in Korea and Japan, none of the six individual teaching for conceptual understanding items was significantly associated with students’ mathematics test scores; the regression coefficients and standardized difference associated with the individual practice items were small; between −0.08 and 0.01 in Korea and between −0.003 and 0.11 in Japan.

Table  7 shows that in Singapore, the frequency with which teachers asked their students to write equations and functions to represent relationships (b = 28.38, standardized difference = 0.32, p < .001), apply facts, concepts and procedures to solve routine problems (b = 20.43, standardized difference = 0.23, p < .01), and to work on problems for which there is no immediately obvious method of solution (b = 33.68, standardized difference = 0.37, p < .001) were each associated with increased mathematics test scores, after controlling for the student and school covariates in the model.

Two patterns were apparent in these results. In Korea and Japan the items used to represent teaching for conceptual understanding were not associated with students’ mathematics test scores. Conversely in the U.S. and Singapore, students in classrooms where teachers asked their students to write equations and functions to represent relationships or work on problems for which there is no immediately obvious method of solution were predicted to have higher mathematics scores, after controlling for all other variables in the model. The standardized regression coefficients for having students write equations and functions to represent relationships were almost identical in both countries; 0.33 in the U.S. compared to 0.32 in Singapore.

The percentage of variance explained by the predictors in the models corroborates these findings. Table  8 shows the percentage of variance in mathematics achievement within and between schools, and the variance explained (within and between schools, and in total) by the items representing teaching for conceptual understanding, and the student and school covariates. The variance in achievement within schools and between schools (the ICC) varied across the four countries; however, the U.S. is most similar to Singapore with respect to how the variance in mathematics scores is distributed. In both countries, more than half of the variability in students’ scores lies among schools, 57.1% in the U.S. and 73.9% in Singapore, suggesting that students in the U.S. and Singapore are likely to attend schools with students who are similar to themselves.

In Korea and Japan, the majority of variance in mathematics scores is among students within schools, 89.4% in Korea and 80.1% in Japan. The small percentages of variance in achievement between schools suggests that teacher-to-teacher differences in teaching for conceptual understanding practices, or any teacher- or classroom-level practice or characteristic for that matter, will be of limited use in predicting student-to-student differences in achievement in these countries.

Recall that only one classroom per school is included in the analysis sample. As a consequence, the variance in achievement between classroom within schools and the between school variance in achievement are confounded, so the proportion of variability between schools is larger than is observed when classroom-to-classroom differences are separated from between school differences. For example, when multiple classrooms per school are included in the analysis in the U.S., a three-level model indicates that approximately 40% of the variability in mathematics performance lies between students within classrooms, 47% between classrooms within schools, and 12% between schools. In Singapore, the only other country with large numbers of schools with more than one classroom, approximately 23% of the variability in mathematics performance lies between students within classrooms, 53% between classrooms within schools, and 24% between schools.

Table  8 also presents the variance components for the covariates-only model (fixed effects not presented), and for each of Models 1 through 6 in the four countries. The student and school covariates explained similar percentages of the total variance in students’ mathematics scores in the U.S. and Korea, 44.6% and 43.1%, respectively. In Singapore however, the student and school covariates explained approximately 62% of the total variance in achievement – 22.5% of the 26.1% available within schools, and 75.4% of the 73.9% between schools.

Despite being significantly associated with achievement in the U.S. and Singapore (Tables  4 and 7 ), the frequency with which teachers asked their students to write equations and functions to represent relationships and work on problems for which there is no immediately obvious method of solution explained only very small percentages of the total variance in students’ scores after controlling for the covariates in the model (between 0.2 and 1.6 additional percentage points). Likewise, having students decide on their own procedures for solving complex problems did not explain any additional variance in achievement in the U.S., and having students apply facts, concepts and procedures to solve routine problems did not explain any additional variance in achievement in Singapore.

The percentage of variance explained in Korea and Japan corroborate the findings in Tables  5 and 6 that these measures of teaching for conceptual understanding were not associated with mathematics test scores; Models 1 through 6 explained no additional variance over and above the percentage of variance explained by the covariates.

Student and school covariates and mathematics test scores

Though not central to the research questions posed, patterns were also evident in the regression coefficients associated with the student and school covariates across the four countries. The only significant effect for gender was observed in the U.S., with the difference favoring males. In the three East Asian countries, students’ with more positive attitudes toward mathematics (higher on the PAT-M index), students who valued mathematics (higher on the SVM index), and had greater self-confidence in learning mathematics (higher on the SCM index) were predicted to have higher mathematics scores. However, in the U.S., only students’ self-confidence in learning mathematics was associated with mathematics test scores. In all countries, the composite representing students’ home background and the school aggregated home background composite were significantly associated with mathematics test scores; students from better resourced homes and students in schools where the student body come from well-resourced homes were predicted to have significantly higher mathematics scores.

Conclusion and discussion

Educators, researchers and policy-makers worldwide continue to struggle to understand the changes that need to be made to improve educational outcomes and educational attainment for students, particularly in content areas such as mathematics and science that are essential for developing a highly skilled workforce. It is evident from the vast body of educational research that the correlates of student achievement and attainment are many and varied, particularly across countries, and that it is unlikely we will be able to isolate a single policy or practice that will alone, resolve all the concerns around improving student outcomes.

In the U.S., state and federal initiatives such as the Race to the Top program have renewed the emphasis on linking teacher quality with student outcomes. In reality, teacher quality is a complex construct that almost certainly hinges on teachers’ instructional practices, pedagogical content knowledge, attitudes toward students and teaching, as well as pre-service qualifications and professional development activities (Darling-Hammond and Youngs, 2002 ; Goe, 2007 ). However, while U.S. federal policies support the idea that how teachers teach is central to teacher quality, there appears to be little consensus on the specific instructional practices that are consistently associated with student achievement. The focus of this research was on developing a deeper understanding of the types of instructional practices, particularly practices supporting conceptual understanding, used by U.S. teachers compared to teachers in a subset of higher-performing East Asian countries, and to examine whether those instructional practices were related to students’ mathematics test scores.

In conducting this study, the authors acknowledge that one of the most significant challenges for comparing the relationships between student test scores in U.S. to the test scores of students in East Asian countries is the pervasiveness of out-of-school instruction in those countries, particularly in mathematics (Bray, 2003 ; Bray and Kwo, 2013 ). The proliferation of for-profit, supplementary instruction through juku or hagwons is likely to affect the validity of the comparisons, and unfortunately the extent of the effect is difficult to estimate using data from large-scale, international studies such as TIMSS, PIRLS, and PISA.

The descriptive results presented here support the findings from previous studies, including classroom observation studies, that there is variability across countries in teachers’ use of instructional practices for supporting conceptual understanding (Hiebert et al., 2005 ; VanTassel-Baska et al., 2008 ; Whitman and Lai, 1990 ). Focusing on how the U.S. compares to the other countries, it appeared that teachers in the U.S. were most similar to Korean teachers in the frequency of their reported practices, and that they reported using some of the practices at least as frequently, or more frequently than teachers in the other countries. This pattern is somewhat at odds with previous research findings about teaching practices in the U.S. For example, Hiebert et al. ( 2005 ) concluded from the 1999 TIMSS video study that, compared to higher performing countries, teachers in the U.S. spent more time completing repetitive exercises rather than applying and extending skills to new, different problems. In contrast, these data show that teachers in U.S. classrooms reported rates for having their students apply facts, concepts and procedures to solve routine problems, relate what they are learning in mathematics to their daily lives, decide on their own procedures for solving complex problems , and work on problems for which there is no immediately obvious method of solution that were as high, or higher than the top-performing comparison countries.

One possible explanation for the patterns observed may be differences in how the survey items are interpreted across countries, a significant challenge in any international study that uses self-report surveys. For example, when presented with a survey item that uses the term “complex problem” there may be cultural differences in what constitutes “complex”; something that is considered complex in one culture may be characterized as basic in another. Likewise, it is also possible that the different patterns observed in this study are due to the data being gathered from self-reports only, with no classroom observations or interviews to verify the results. Unfortunately, in the absence of observational or interview data, it is difficult to disconfirm the hypothesis that cross-cultural interpretation differences underlie the response patterns.

In Japan, the pattern of responses about use of practices that support conceptual understanding was at odds with the findings from previous TIMSS administrations. For example in TIMSS 1999, Japan led the other nations in teaching for conceptual understanding in eighth grade mathematics classrooms, ranking first in the frequency of using such practices (Mullis et al., 2000 ). Moreover, the TIMSS video study, also conducted in 1999, came to the same conclusion based on classroom observations (Hiebert et al., 2005 ). However, the patterns observed here for TIMSS 2007 suggest there may have been changes in Japanese teachers’ practices in the intervening years; teachers in Japan no longer reported using the six strategies as frequently as in previous TIMSS administrations. Overall, teachers in Korea, and in some cases the U.S., employed these strategies more frequently than teachers in Japan.

In looking at whether teachers’ instructional practices for supporting conceptual understanding were related to students’ mathematics achievement, two interesting patterns were observed. The relationships observed between teachers’ instructional practices and mathematics achievement in the U.S. and Singapore were similar. Of the six teaching for conceptual understanding practices examined, two were significantly associated with achievement in both countries. These were: the frequency with which teachers had their students write equations and functions to represent relationships and work on problems for which there is no immediately obvious method of solution , one of the most complex conceptual skills at the higher end of the construct of teaching for conceptual understanding (Hiebert and Grouws, 2007 ). In terms of a standardized effect size, the largest predicted change in mathematics achievement was associated with teachers having their students write equations and functions to represent relationships . Holding all else constant, increasing the frequency of using this practice from say some lessons to about half the lessons was associated with a predicted increase in achievement of 0.33 standard deviations in the U.S. and 0.33 standard deviations in Singapore. In each of these two countries, one additional instructional practice was associated with higher mathematics test scores: having students decide on their own procedures for solving complex problems in the U.S., and in Singapore, having students apply facts, concepts and procedures to solve routine problems , one of the less complex skills at the lower end of the construct (Hiebert and Lefevre, 1987 ).

Although teachers in the U.S. had their students write equations and functions to represent relationships less frequently than teachers in Korea and Japan, the significant regression coefficient in the U.S. indicates that, even after controlling for student and school covariates, this instructional strategy may be effective when used. This result in the U.S. aligns with Camburn and Han’s meta-analysis (Camburn and Han, 2011 ) that reported statistically significant support for the positive association between achievement and certain instructional practices. However, it is at odds with Tomoff et al.’s ( 2000 ) study of the earlier TIMSS 1995 data, which based on the analysis of slightly different survey items relating to teaching practices, did not find even a weak relationship between achievement and instructional practices in the U.S.

Likewise, although teachers in Singapore reported some of the lowest frequencies of having their students write equations and functions to represent relationships , apply facts, concepts and procedures to solve routine problems , and work on problems for which there is no immediately obvious method of solution among the four countries studied, these practices were each positively associated with mathematics achievement.

However, despite observing a statistically significant relationship between some of the instructional practice measures and mathematics achievement in the U.S. and Singapore, the measures explained very small percentages of the variability in mathematics achievement (between 0.2 and 1.6 additional percentage points). These percentages were similar to those reported by Desimone, Smith, Baker and Ueno’s TIMSS 1999 study (Desimone et al. 2005 ) who found that the relationship between mathematics achievement and the frequency of using strategies for teaching for conceptual understanding were weak in the U.S. The results from this study confirm that differences in instructional practices may not be the largest contributing factor to the observed differences in achievement between U.S. students and students in higher-scoring, East Asian countries.

First, teachers’ uses of instructional practices were not associated with students’ total mathematics scores in Korea or Japan. Though not presented as part of this research, this finding held when we looked at students’ sub-domain scores in Numbers, Algebra, Geometry, and Data and Chance, and when we included or excluded the student and school covariates from the model. This finding may be due to the small proportion of variability in achievement among schools in Korea and Japan that is available to be explained by differences in teachers’ instructional practices. Compared to the U.S. and Singapore where 57.1% and 73.9% of the variability in mathematics achievement existed between schools, respectively, only 10.6% of the variability in mathematics achievement exists between schools in Korea, and 19.9% in Japan. Furthermore, in Korea, more than two-thirds of the small proportion of available variance in mathematics scores between schools was accounted for by the covariates, leaving even less to be explained by differences in teachers’ uses of instructional practices.

As with any study of this nature, there are additional considerations in the interpretation of the findings presented here, some of which are intractable issues when conducting secondary analyses with large-scale, international comparative study data. First, the most obvious limitation of this research is that it cannot support causal claims about the observed relationships between teachers’ instructional practices and student test scores. Being a cross-sectional observational study that does not include information about students’ prior achievement, these data do not support claims about whether student achievement is influenced by teachers’ instructional practices, or whether teachers are using particular practices because they have high achieving students. Related to this point is the self-reported nature of the information provided by the teachers; stronger evidence for the existence of the relationship, or lack of relationship, between instructional practices and student outcomes would require studies to include a classroom observation component.

Second, the data analyzed to address the research questions were derived from the survey data collected as part of the TIMSS 2007 study. So, although the TIMSS documentation reports that the practices measured on the surveys were those deemed by TIMSS developers and its partners to be most effective for mathematics instruction (Mullis et al., 2005 ), they may not be culturally attuned to the practices that teachers use in some East Asian countries. In this sense, we cannot be certain that other, perhaps similar instructional practices are not associated with student test scores. In addition, there is the possibility that teachers from different cultures interpreted the survey items in different ways. Also, since teachers were not asked to indicate the amount of time spent per lesson on the different teaching practices, it was not possible to discern whether time spent using particular teaching strategies was associated with the observed differences between countries.

Third, the analysis sample was selected according to strict exclusion criteria and resulted in the removal of many students and schools. The comparison presented in Table  1 indicates that the reported samples (Mullis et al., 2008 ) and analysis samples were similar in terms of mean achievement, variability in achievement, and in the percentages of students whose teachers asked them to engage in the six activities in about half the lessons or more. However, it is possible that the reported and analysis samples differ on other characteristics and that bias may have been introduced with the removal of students and schools.

Finally, one possible explanation for the observed differences in mathematics achievement between countries may be the pervasiveness of supplementary, out-of-school instruction for East Asian students (Bray, 2003 ; Bray and Kwo, 2013 ). While in 1995, 1999, and 2003 TIMSS asked students how much time they spent outside of school receiving instruction in mathematics, this question was omitted from TIMSS 2007, precluding researchers and policy makers from exploring this hypothesis. Given the increase in out-of-school instruction in some countries, we would recommend that a question relating to out-of-school instruction be re-introduced in future TIMSS studies.

To conclude, while acknowledging these limitations, the authors believe that the evidence presented in this research contributes to our understanding of the complexity of teachers’ pedagogical practices in the classroom and points to the need for more nuanced research in this area. In particular, additional efforts should be undertaken in international comparative studies to estimate the effects of out-of-school instruction on students’ test scores, and to disentangle those effects from the effects of countries’ formal education systems.

a As the research conducted here is a secondary data analysis no human subjects were involved and the research is exempt under our organizations' Institutional Review Boards.

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O’Dwyer, L.M., Wang, Y. & Shields, K.A. Teaching for conceptual understanding: A cross-national comparison of the relationship between teachers’ instructional practices and student achievement in mathematics. Large-scale Assess Educ 3 , 1 (2015). https://doi.org/10.1186/s40536-014-0011-6

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Mindset and Levels of Conceptual Understanding in the Problem-Solving of Preservice Mathematics Teachers in an Online Learning Environment

International Journal of Learning, Teaching and Educational Research, 21(6), 18-33 (2022)

Posted: 20 Jul 2022 Last revised: 31 Jan 2023

Ma Luisa Mariano-Dolesh

Dr. Henry A. Wise, Jr. High School

Leila M. Collantes

Central Luzon State University (CLSU)

Edwin D. Ibañez

Jupeth pentang.

Central Luzon State University

Date Written: June 22, 2022

Mindset plays a vital role in tackling the barriers to improving the preservice mathematics teachers’ (PMTs) conceptual understanding of problem-solving. As the COVID-19 pandemic has continued to pose a challenge, online learning has been adopted. This led this study to determining the PMTs’ mindset and level of conceptual understanding in problem-solving in an online learning environment utilising Google Classroom and the Khan Academy. A quantitative research design was employed specifically utilising a descriptive, comparative, and correlational design. Forty-five PMTs were chosen through simple random sampling and willingly took part in this study. The data was gathered using validated and reliable questionnaires and problem-solving tests. The data gathered was analysed using descriptive statistics, analysis of variance, and simple linear regression. The results revealed that the college admission test, specifically numerical proficiency, influences a strong mindset and a higher level of conceptual understanding in problem-solving. Additionally, this study shows that mindset predicts the levels of conceptual understanding in problem-solving in an online environment where PMTs with a growth mindset have the potential to solve math problems. The use of Google Classroom and the Khan Academy to aid online instruction is useful in the preparation of PMTs as future mathematics teachers and problem-solvers. Further studies may be conducted to validate these reports and to address the limitations of this study.

Keywords: conceptual understanding, growth mindset, mathematics education, online learning, preservice teachers

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Dr. Henry A. Wise, Jr. High School ( email )

Central luzon state university (clsu) ( email ).

Barangay Bantug Science City of Munoz Science City of Muñoz, Nueva Ecija 3119 Philippines

Jupeth Pentang (Contact Author)

Central luzon state university ( email ).

University Avenue Central Luzon State University Science City of Munoz, Nueva Ecija 3120 Philippines

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7 Strategies to Teach Conceptual Understanding in Math

These strategies will give you a head start on getting rid of math tips and tricks.

Three high school students sit together at a desk to build conceptual understanding in math. They are looking at graphs and visual representations.

Multiplication is repeated addition.

Keep, switch, flip. 

The butterfly method.

These are all examples of math shortcuts, tips, or tricks that many students learn to rely on from an early age. I taught many students throughout my 16 years in the classroom who quickly pulled out these strategies!

But my students couldn’t explain why these tips and tricks work. Sometimes they would struggle and get upset. This happened when they faced situations where the tricks didn't work or they forgot what to do.

That’s why math education has changed recently to focus on teaching students a deep understanding of concepts instead of relying on shortcuts.  Educators know that teaching children to deeply understand math leads to the development of problem-solvers and critical thinkers. 

But how can we stop focusing on teaching shortcuts and instead help students become real mathematicians?

Don’t worry; we’ve got a few ideas for you! Check out these seven tips for getting rid of the shortcuts and teaching true conceptual understanding in math.

1. Spiral Practice Through a Well-Thought-Out Scope and Sequence

Mathematics is a body of conceptual knowledge made up of interrelated concepts. It isn’t just a list of disconnected topics to check off a list as students move from grade to grade. Plan your school year carefully to avoid math pitfalls by following a structured scope and sequence.

I used the   Carnegie Learning High School Math Solution  for Algebra 1 and Geometry in my last years of teaching. For the first time, I saw how much the scope and sequence really matter. My Algebra 1 students used what they learned in Module 1 to understand quadratic functions in Module 5. It was a lightbulb moment for all of us!

This image shows one-step algebra equations as an example of spiral review, a strategy to build conceptual knowledge.

My Algebra 1 students used their prior knowledge and noticed recurring concepts. This helped them avoid relying on shortcuts or tricks.

A thoughtful scope and sequence incorporating spiral review is key to teaching deep conceptual understanding in math. If we rely on teaching the “easy” shortcuts instead of giving students the time and space to master grade-level skills and see the connections between concepts, they’ll struggle to develop a body of conceptual knowledge that will help them understand more complex ideas in the future.

2. Use High-Order Tasks to Build Critical Thinking Skills

Many students (and teachers!) love math shortcuts for quick “success.” But having a toolbox packed with critical thinking skills and problem-solving strategies is so much more valuable. These skills will serve your students not only in class, but in the real world.

One way to help students develop their critical thinking and problem-solving skills is to assign high-order math tasks in your classroom. Rich tasks help students think about what they already know and test out different methods until they identify one that works. In the process, your students gain skills and strategies that eliminate the need for tips and tricks.

This image shows an example of a high-order math task that builds a deep conceptual understanding of math where students must complete a table with numbers of cell divisions to find a pattern.

Some of my favorite high-order tasks to use with my Algebra 1 students were in a lesson titled, “Do You Mean: Recursion ?” This lesson is filled with activities that encourage students to think critically about arithmetic and geometric sequences and explicit and recursive formulas. They’re even asked to compare the pros and cons of using explicit or recursive formulas, using evidence developed over the last series of lessons!

The fact that there’s no “plug and chug” in this series of high-order tasks meant that my students were constantly using and developing their critical thinking skills and problem-solving strategies. 

I was amazed by the intelligent conversations happening in the room. Students were discussing cell division tables and explaining why explicit and recursive formulas worked!

3. Visual Representations for Better Retrieval

Visual aids are powerful tools for helping students to develop a deep, conceptual understanding of mathematical concepts. I loved supplementing as many lessons as possible with diagrams, graphs, anchor charts, manipulatives, and even high-quality math videos . In doing so, every learner had an entry point into even the most upper-level mathematic concepts.

Visualizing math concepts helps students see patterns and make connections that they may not immediately understand from written or verbal explanations. And when they have a visual cue stored in their brain, it makes retrieving information much more manageable. 

For example, suppose a student can recall that a quadratic function looks like a parabola because they’ve interacted with graphs illustrating a pumpkin catapult or diving into a swimming pool. If that happens, they're more likely to understand and use the formula of a quadratic function in various situations.

4. Manipulatives and Hands-On Learning

Another way to eliminate tips and tricks (“A negative times a negative is a positive,” anyone?) is with manipulatives. I love algebra tiles, counting chips, and even interactive number lines.

And I promise those hands-on materials aren’t just for the younger kids. Your high schoolers won’t mind abandoning note-taking in favor of digging into algebra tiles! 

I’ll never forget using algebra tiles for various purposes with my high schoolers. From watching a student with complex special needs finally understand the meaning and applications of a zero pair to seeing upper-level students suddenly “get” factoring trinomials, each visual and hands-on learning experience was pure magic!

Click here to download free math activity packs that promote conceptual understanding for all grade levels

5. Connect Concepts Instead of Teaching Math Shortcuts

Teaching is all about making connections. In this case, we're talking about mathematical connections.

Teach your students to look for the interconnectedness of mathematical concepts. Show them how ideas fit together and build on one another. Watch as they develop a deeper understanding of the underlying concepts. Then, it’s time to kiss the shortcuts goodbye!

For example, the scope and sequence I used encouraged my students to apply their foundational knowledge of concrete geometric investigations and reasoning with shapes to formalize their understanding. Circles were also integrated throughout the course, rather than treating them as isolated geometric figures (as many other curriculums do). 

Watching my Geometry students make connections between circles and angle relationships and complete constructions using arcs was a game changer! They remembered more when they understood how concepts were connected and could use their knowledge in unexpected ways.

6. Help Your Students Make Real-World Connections

This image shows an example of real-world math scenarios from MATHbook, which is designed to build conceptual knowledge and not just mathematical shortcuts.

Another vital connection that will lead to the elimination of shortcuts, tips, and tricks is between the mathematics your students learn in the classroom and the real-world applications of the concepts.

When you help your students discover these links to the real world, math suddenly loses its abstract nature. It becomes relevant, practical, and motivating.

Your students will stay interested and learn concepts that can be applied in different situations. Here are some examples using real-world scenarios to model integer subtraction that could be used in a 7th-grade class.

7. Don’t Use Math Tips and Tricks—Collaborate!

Most kids love to work in groups, right? It enhances the social aspect of school that many students value. And when structured correctly, these collaborative learning experiences can be the perfect setting for developing deep mathematical understanding.

Collaborating to create their conceptual knowledge is a powerful experience for your students. They may productively struggle , disagree, and even argue a bit, but these experiences are where the magic happens. 

“Allow students to experience and play and notice and wonder,” writes Tina Cardone, author of Nix the Tricks: A Guide to Avoiding Shortcuts That Cut Out Math Concept Development . “They will surprise you! Being a mathematician is not limited to rote memorization…Being a mathematician is about critical thinking, justification, and using tools from past experiences to solve new problems.”

And I can think of no better opportunity to notice, wonder, think critically, and justify those thoughts than when collaborating with peers. It may be hard to give up that “sage on the stage” lecture style (I definitely struggled!), but hearing your students engage in rich, mathematical conversations and watching them abandon the shortcuts in favor of deeply understanding the math is worth it. The feeling is second to none!

Don’t Let Tips and Tricks Take Away the Beauty of Math

Math is a beautiful, creative, and thought-provoking subject that sets the perfect stage for your students to become critical thinkers, problem solvers, and leaders of tomorrow. Don’t let a reliance on math shortcuts, tips, and tricks rob them of that experience!

I hope you’re ready to ditch the tips and tricks in your classroom. I you need more convincing, check out this case study from Muleshoe Independent School District in Texas. They were able to teach their students deep conceptual understanding in math and get rid of the shortcuts—with some great results to show for it!

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Math is a beautiful, creative, and thought-provoking subject that sets the perfect stage for your students to become critical thinkers, problem solvers, and leaders of tomorrow. Don’t let a reliance on math shortcuts, tips, and tricks rob them of that experience!

Karen Sloan, Math and Special Education Teacher of 16 Years

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A Math Word Problem Framework That Fosters Conceptual Thinking

This strategy for selecting and teaching word problems guides students to develop their understanding of math concepts.

Photo of middle school teacher with students

Word problems in mathematics are a powerful tool for helping students make sense of and reason with mathematical concepts. Many students, however, struggle with word problems because of the various cognitive demands. As districtwide STEAM professional development specialists, we’ve spent a lot of time focusing on supporting our colleagues and students to ensure their success with word problems. We found that selecting the right word problems, as well as focusing on conceptual understanding rather than procedural knowledge, provides our students with real growth.

As our thinking evolved, we began to instill a routine that supports teaching students to solve with grit by putting them in the driver’s seat of the thinking. Below you’ll find the routine that we’ve found successful in helping students overcome the challenges of solving word problems.

Not all word problems are created equal

Prior to any instruction, we always consider the quality of the task for teaching and learning. In our process, we use word problems as the path to mathematics instruction. When selecting the mathematical tasks for students, we always consider the following questions:

  • Does the task align with the learning goals and standards?
  • Will the task engage and challenge students at an appropriate level, providing both a sense of accomplishment and further opportunities for growth?
  • Is the task open or closed? Open tasks provide multiple pathways to foster a deeper understanding of mathematical concepts and skills. Closed tasks can still provide a deep understanding of mathematical concepts and skills if the task requires a high level of cognitive demand. 
  • Does the task encourage critical thinking and problem-solving skills?
  • Will the task allow students to see the relevance of mathematics to real-world situations?
  • Does the task promote creativity and encourage students to make connections between mathematical concepts and other areas of their lives?

If we can answer yes to as many of these questions as possible, we can be assured that our tasks are rich. There are further insights for rich math tasks on NRICH and sample tasks on Illustrative Mathematics and K-5 Math Teaching Resources .

Developing conceptual understanding

Once we’ve selected the rich math tasks, developing conceptual understanding becomes our instructional focus. We present students with Numberless Word Problems and simultaneously use a word problem framework to focus on analysis of the text and to build conceptual understanding, rather than just memorization of formulas and procedures. 

  • First we remove all of the numbers and have students read the problem focusing on who or what the problem is about; they visualize and connect the scenario to their lives and experiences. 
  • Next we have our students rewrite the question as a statement to ensure that they understand the questions.
  • Then we have our students read the problem again and have them think analytically. They ask themselves these questions: Are there parts? Is there a whole? Are things joining or separating? Is there a comparison? 
  • Once that’s completed, we reveal the numbers in the problem. We have the students read the problem again to determine if they have enough information to develop a model and translate it into an equation that can be solved.
  • After they’ve solved their equation, we have students compare it against their model to check their answer.  

Collaboration and workspace are key to building the thinking

To build the thinking necessary in the math classroom , we have students work in visibly random collaborative groups (random groups of three for grades 3 through 12, random groups of two for grades 1 and 2). With random groupings, we’ve found that students don’t enter their groups with predetermined roles, and all students contribute to the thinking.

For reluctant learners, we make sure these students serve as the scribe within the group documenting each member’s contribution. We also make sure to use nonpermanent vertical workspaces (whiteboards, windows [using dry-erase markers], large adhesive-backed chart paper, etc.). The vertical workspace provides accessibility for our diverse learners and promotes problem-solving because our students break down complex problems into smaller, manageable steps. The vertical workspaces also provide a visually appealing and organized way for our students to show their work.  We’ve witnessed how these workspaces help hold their attention and improve their focus on the task at hand.

Facilitate and provide feedback to move the thinking along

As students grapple with the task, the teacher floats among the collaborative groups, facilitates conversations, and gives the students feedback. Students are encouraged to look at the work of other groups or to provide a second strategy or model to support their thinking. Students take ownership and make sense of the problem, attempt solutions, and try to support their thinking with models, equations, charts, graphs, words, etc. They work through the problem collaboratively, justifying their work in their small group. In essence, they’re constructing their knowledge and preparing to share their work with the rest of the class. 

Word problems are a powerful tool for teaching math concepts to students. They offer a practical and relatable approach to problem-solving, enabling students to understand the relevance of math in real-life situations. Through word problems, students learn to apply mathematical principles and logical reasoning to solve complex problems. 

Moreover, word problems also enhance critical thinking, analytical skills, and decision-making abilities. Incorporating word problems into math lessons is an effective way to make math engaging, meaningful, and applicable to everyday life.

conceptual understanding and problem solving

Understanding the Difference between Procedural vs. Conceptual Understanding

What’s the difference.

Procedural understanding is when students hoard steps and algorithms. They rely on the memorization of these formulas to answer questions, and they rarely make deep connections during instruction.

Conceptual understanding is knowing the procedural steps to solving a problem and understanding why those algorithms and approaches work, similar to a recognition that there is a man hiding behind the giant head in The Wizard of Oz. This level of understanding has students reaching higher depths of knowledge because they are making connections from one skill to another. As you plan your math lessons, ensure that you are targeting both procedural and conceptual understanding with an unbalanced approach. I use the 80-20 rule. Of the questions I pose to my students, 80% are conceptual-based. This is no easy feat when the majority of textbooks follow a 20-80 rule, where most of the work is procedural-based. We all know those textbooks and workbooks. They have 20+ rote questions for long division on a single page. As educators, we have to go after those meaningful questions.

Here are examples of questions aligned to the 4.MD.3 standard: Apply the area and perimeter formulas for rectangles in real world and mathematical problems.

conceptual understanding and problem solving

Take the time to find materials that require your students to deeply evaluate curriculum. With specific questioning you’ll be able to cross over the threshold from procedural to conceptual understanding.

My line of Power Problems are designed to target conceptual understanding of standards. They are available for grades 3rd-6th.

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%A William Gerace %T Problem Solving and Conceptual Understanding %S PER Conference Invited Paper %D July 25-26 2001 %C Rochester, New York %U https://www.compadre.org/Repository/document/ServeFile.cfm?ID=4375&DocID=1028 %O Physics Education Research Conference 2001 %O July 25-26 %O application/pdf

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    C: conceptual understanding. P: problem solving scale. iii. The test will have a total of 60 questions, 20 questions for each different type of ability. Questions will be numbered as the following: D1-1K, D1-1C, D1-1P and so on. iv. Each question will be graded using a four-point Likert scale. 0: if they did not write anything.

  2. PDF What Is Conceptual Understanding?

    twenty years, mathematics educators have often contrasted conceptual understanding with procedural knowledge. Problem solving has also been in the mix of these two. A good starting point for us to understand conceptual understanding is to review The Learning Principle from the NCTM Principles and Standards for School Mathematics (2000).

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    Ofsted recently reported that 'the degree of emphasis on problem solving and conceptual understanding is a key discriminator between good and weaker provision,' (Ofsted, 2015). The current paucity in provision can result in classrooms where 'many pupils spend too long working on straightforward questions, with problem solving located at the ...

  8. Mindset and Levels of Conceptual Understanding in the Problem-Solving

    Mindset plays a vital role in tackling the barriers to improving the preservice mathematics teachers' (PMTs) conceptual understanding of problem-solving. As the COVID-19 pandemic has continued to pose a challenge, online learning has been adopted. This led this study to determining the PMTs' mindset and level of conceptual understanding in ...

  9. 7 Strategies to Teach Conceptual Understanding in Math

    Check out these seven tips for getting rid of the shortcuts and teaching true conceptual understanding in math. 1. Spiral Practice Through a Well-Thought-Out Scope and Sequence. Mathematics is a body of conceptual knowledge made up of interrelated concepts.

  10. PDF Improving conceptual understanding and problem-solving in ...

    Conceptual understanding 34.1 55.53 34.82 73.92 Problem-solving 19.64 45.35 19.68 71.25 Generally, both pre-test and the post-test scores improved the ability of the students (conceptual understanding and problem-solving). Table 1 also informs that there was no significant difference between thepre-tests in either experimental class.

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    Best Teaching Practices Conceptual Understanding of Problem Solving. Research Findings. Research at the secondary and even post-secondary level on understanding of basic concepts that are involved in solving biology, chemistry, and physics problems (many of which require the application of algebraic or other mathematical concepts) indicates that students do not understand the concepts.

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    The results show that conceptual understanding and problem-solving skills are positively correlated. This research also endeavors to correlate students" performance in this test with their high ...

  15. A Strategy for Teaching Math Word Problems

    A Math Word Problem Framework That Fosters Conceptual Thinking. This strategy for selecting and teaching word problems guides students to develop their understanding of math concepts. Word problems in mathematics are a powerful tool for helping students make sense of and reason with mathematical concepts. Many students, however, struggle with ...

  16. PDF Assessment Strategies for Enhancing Students' Mathematical Problem

    conceptual understanding and mathematical problem-solving between students who were taught with authentic assessment and those who were taught with the conventional assessment strategies. Besides that, Cai et al. (2013) conducted a longitudinal research project employing the Connected Mathematics Program (CMP)

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    Students' conceptual understanding was measured using 13 multiple-choice questions while their problem-solving skill was measured using 3 essay questions. The normality, the linearity, and the ...

  18. Understanding the Difference between Procedural vs. Conceptual

    Conceptual understanding is knowing the procedural steps to solving a problem and understanding why those algorithms and approaches work, similar to a recognition that there is a man hiding behind the giant head in The Wizard of Oz. This level of understanding has students reaching higher depths of knowledge because they are making connections ...

  19. PDF Investigating Students' Mathematical Difficulties with Quadratic ...

    intertwined relationship between conceptual understanding, procedural fluency, and problem solving and reasoning due to the hierarchical nature of mathematics (AAS, 2015, p. 17). The cognitive load work by Kirschner, Sweller, and Clark (2006) gives an explanaton for the necessity of fluency with prerequisite knowledge.

  20. Conceptual & Procedural Math: What's the Difference?

    It is often contrasted with "procedural math," which teaches students to solve problems by giving them a series of steps to do. Procedural math approaches an elementary problem such as two-digit subtraction (72 − 69, say) by teaching students to "borrow."Since you can't subtract 9 from 2, strike through the 7 next to the 2, turn it ...

  21. (PDF) Assessing conceptual understanding in mathematics

    Given that math is an active process that encourages higher-order thinking and problem solving, an assessment focusing on the growth of conceptual understanding is required.

  22. Problem Solving and Conceptual Understanding

    Problem Solving and Conceptual Understanding. written by William J. Gerace. This paper, presented at the 2001 Physics Education Research Conference, presents a framework for thinking about knowledge and its organization that can account for known expert-novice differences in knowledge storage and problem solving behavior.

  23. 6 crucial soft skills every student needs to master in the 21st ...

    CRITICAL THINKING AND PROBLEM-SOLVING. Creating an environment that focuses on conceptual understanding and application of that knowledge to real-world skills leads to lifelong learning and ...

  24. Top Artificial Intelligence AI Books to Read in 2024

    The Alignment Problem: Machine Learning and Human Values. This book talks about a concept called "The Alignment Problem," where the systems we aim to teach, don't perform as expected, and various ethical and existential risks emerge. Life 3.0: Being Human in the Age of Artificial Intelligence